#government strategy
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An influential conservative think tank close to Donald Trump is developing plans to infuse Christian nationalist ideas in his administration if the former president returns to power, according to documents that we obtained.
Spearheading the effort is Russell Vought, president of the Center for Renewing America (CRA). He’s rumored to be a potential chief of staff if Trump returns to the White House. Vought – who served in Trump’s first admin – has remained close to the former president and hopes to elevate Christian nationalism as a focal point in a potential second term, according to two people familiar with the plans, who were granted anonymity to discuss internal matters.
One document drafted by CRA includes a list of top priorities for a second Trump term, including “Christian nationalism,” invoking the Insurrection Act on Day One to quash protests and refusing to spend authorized congressional funds on unwanted projects, a practice banned by lawmakers in the Nixon era.
Vought also:
➡️ has said immigration requirements should include whether that person “accept[ed] Israel’s God, laws and understanding of history”
➡️ has a close affiliation with Christian nationalist William Wolfe, a former Trump admin official who has advocated for overturning same-sex marriage, ending abortion and reducing access to contraceptives
➡️ is advising the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, which would usher in one of the most conservative executive branches in modern American history. Proposals include repealing LGBTQ+ rights, increasing abortion surveillance and defunding Planned Parenthood.
Meanwhile, CRA is already influencing Trump’s positions. His thinking on withdrawing the U.S. from NATO and using military force against Mexican drug cartels is partly inspired by separate CRA papers, according to reports by Rolling Stone.
Trump’s campaign has repeatedly insisted that it alone is responsible for putting together a policy platform and staffing for a future administration. They declined to comment. So did Vought.
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so many people claim that voting for biden would somehow be immoral given what's happening in gaza, but what these people fail to realize is that there are numerous issues at play. biden is at the top of the hill of shittiness; however, at the same time, we simply cannot allow what the right has planned to be carried out. it would not help gaza, and it would surely make life here worse for everyone, including those who want to see a free palestine.
#conservative think tank#christian nationalism#trump administration#russell vought#center for renewing america#christian values#political strategy#white house plans#christian right#us politics#presidential agenda#political priorities#religious influence#us government#conservative politics#trump agenda#government strategy#christian politics#political planning#political ideology.#gaza#israel#palestine#politics#joe biden#biden#03042024
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Government launches strategy to ‘rapidly reduce’ suicide rate that has remained stuck since 2018 | Community Care
Yes, the Samaritans chief executive Julie Bentley is completely correct. It is great that there is a new strategy, but without the required funding strategies are mostly just words so funding needs to greatly increase to provide the enormous lack of resources, mainly staff, but much more.
Unfortunately, this has been the government’s strategy for many years past and present and could well be the…
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#i'll try to make a post with some of the main points here tomorrow but this is an incredible succinct and informative rundown#of the dissonance between the biden admin's reported opposition to israel's genocide in gaza#(like liberal media talking about 'red lines' 'stern phone calls' how biden is 'growing frustrated with netanyahu' etc)#and the actual material support they're providing israel#they also break down the biden admin's media strategy; how they create the illusion of opposition by conducting a humanitarian theater#like creating a pier to deliver humanitarian aid to gaza when the US government is literally the ones upholding the blockade#or airdropping aid that's now killed dozens of people#for no other aim than to create good headlines for biden#SoundCloud
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The Cloward-Piven Strategy: 👇 "Orchestrating A Crisis So The Government Can “Solve” It"
For more information 👇
Imagine That 🤔
#pay attention#educate yourself#educate yourselves#knowledge is power#reeducate yourself#reeducate yourselves#think for yourself#think for yourselves#think about it#do your homework#question everything#ask yourself questions#cloward-piven strategy#government corruption#crisis actors
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I also keep my eyes on the South because the Republican strategy of disenfranchisement is a state-by-state strategy. It looks like judicial rule where they cannot win. Where they cannot win by judicial rule, they will rule by procedural theft. Where they cannot convince voters to vote for them, they will convince the candidate they voted for to become one of them.
Tressie McMillan Cottom at the New York Times.
A great summing up of the GOP strategy to cling to power at all costs. And this strategy is certainly not limited to Southern states.
She’s quite right about this being a state-by-state battle. Keep up with state government. Start by learning who your state legislators are.
Find Your Legislators
Look your legislators up by address or use your current location.
#tressie mcmillan cottom#republicans#gop strategy of disenfranchisement#state government#state legislatures
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How many times did robespierre get an assassination attempts?
Because I remember his sister Charlotte robespierre says in her memoir maybe? That he had multiple assassination attempts not only Cécile-Aimée Renault who tried her luck.
And who is Cécile Renault and what is her story?
Charlotte speaks of attempts on her brother’s life in chapter four of her memoirs:
Since Maximilien Robespierre perished, a victim of counterrevolutionaries, his enemies’ rage has emerged in calumnies, lies, and furious diatribes against him; but before his death, independent of those means which have always suited them, they had another which was no less worthy of them: the dagger. A great number of assassination attempts were made on him. History has spoken of Cécile Renault and of Ladmiral, but it has said nothing of the many other assassins who came to my unhappy brother’s house in the intention of cutting his throat. We were one day gathered at M. Duplay’s house, when a man came and asked to speak to Maximilien Robespierre. My brother went to him and prayed him to say what he wished. That man replied that he could only speak to him in private; he was then shown into a neighboring room where my brother followed him. Some moments later we heard a violent movement. Right away we suspected the unknown man; we entered the room where he was with Maximilien, and we saw that he had seized my brother around the neck, that he had pushed him against the wall, and that he was strangling him!... the assassin was built like Hercules, and had an easy advantage over Maximilien, who was weak bodily and of a delicate complexion. We cried out piercingly; the assassin then let go his victim and took flight; entirely occupied as we were with succoring my brother, we did not think of cutting off his escape. Another time, two men came likewise to M. Duplay’s house to speak to my brother, who had gone out; we told them that he was absent. They insisted on seeing him. There was something suspicious in their countenances, in their miens, and even in their words; everything about them announced their malevolent designs; they were questioned on the object of their visit, and they cut themselves off, which succeeded in confirming our idea that those two men were nothing but criminals, who wanted to assassinate Maximilien. They said that they absolutely needed to speak to him, and that they would return. They did return, in effect, the next day at dinnertime when we were at the table; they did not enter together; perhaps they had made M. Duplay’s house a meeting-place to execute their crime. The first to arrive seemed embarrassed; he asked to speak to Robespierre in private; we replied that their vile plans had been discovered. At these words, he became troubled, mumbled a few words, and retired in all haste. Only a few minutes passed before his companion of the previous evening arrived. He was not given the same to speak; he was told that his accomplice had preceded him by an instant, that there was nothing more for him to do than to join him, and that their attempt had failed. No more was needed to destroy him; one might have called him a man struck by lightning; he fled as if being pursued. These two events, and many others as well, gave Robespierre the certainty that a gang of assassins had been organized to make attempts on his life.
Lucile Desmoulins also mentions an assassination attempt in a diary entry written December 12 1793, when recounting the events surrounding the Insurrection of August 10th four months earlier — ”On August 8, I returned from the countryside. Already the spirits were strongly aroused, someone had wanted to assassinate Robespierre.” While it’s tempting to assume this is one of the attempts Charlotte is describing above, this sounds unlikely to be true considering she hadn’t arrived in Paris by August 8 1792, yet claims to have been an eyewitness. I think it’s also a bit strange how, aside from the testimonies of the two women, we appear to have no other source for/mention of these three assassination attempts. Especially when we know the Cécile Renault one stirred up so many emotions…
As for her story, as told by Histoire du tribunal révolutionnaire de Paris (1880) by Henri Wallon, she lived on rue de la Lanterne (today Rue de la Cité) in Paris with her father and brothers. Acquaintances would later describe her as ”young, lively and nice, [someone who took] pleasure in conversation and loved finery,” and that her reserved father had a constant concern for his daughter. On May 23 1794, at nine o’clock in the evening, Renault presented herself at the Duplay house on Rue de la Saint-Honoré, roughly two kilometers away from her home, and asked to see Robespierre, claiming to have been out looking for him for six hours. When Éléonore Duplay, who had received Renault at the door, told her Robespierre wasn’t home, Renault got surprised and responded ”that he is a public official and therefore should respond to all those who came to his house.” This got her arrested (it is unclear to me whether Éléonore was the one who called for it or not) and sent to the Committee of General Security. On her way there, the three men escorting her reported that ”[Renault] told us that during the l’ancien régime, when one presented oneself at the king’s, one could enter straight away. We asked her whether she would rather have a king, she responded that she would shed all her blood in order to have one and that these were her opinions and that we were tyrants.”
Once arrived at the CGS, Renault was interrogated:
What is your name, age, profession and recidence?
My name is Aimée-Cécile Renault, I’m twenty years old, I live with my father, paper merchant, on rue de la Lanterne, close to rue des Marmousets, in the Cité section.
Where were you arrested and by whom?
I was arrested at Robespierre’s house by men I didn’t know.
What was your motive for going home to representative of the people Robespierre?
To talk to him.
What did you plan to talk to him about.
That depended on whether I found him or not.
Had anyone ordered you to go talk to him?
No.
Did you have anything to present him with?
That’s none of your business.
Do you know citizen Robespierre?
No, that’s why I asked to get to know him.
What was it that determined you to get to know him?
To see if he was OK with me (s’il me convenait).
I ask you to clearly explain what you mean by these words: ”to see if he was OK with me.”
I have nothing to respond. Don’t interrogate me more.
When you presented yourself at citizen Robespierre’s house, did you not express anger over the fact he wasn’t there?
Yes.
Do you know of rue de l’Estrapade?
No, I don’t know of it and I’ve never been there.
Do you know someone named Catherine Théos [sic]?
No.
Do you know an individual by the name of Dom Gerle?
No.
Have you ever heard Dom Gerle or Catherine Théos [sic] speak?
I have never heard anyone speak.
Did you tell the citizens who came to arrest you at citizen Robespierre’s house that if needed, you would spill all your blood in order to have a king?
Yes, I said that.
Do you stand by it?
Yes.
What were the motives which determined and still determine you to desire a tyrant?
I desire a king, because I would prefer that over fifty thousand tyrats, and I only went to Robespierre’s house to see what a tyrant looks like.
When the CPG searched Renault, two small knives were found on her. It was also discovered that, before going to visit Robespierre, she had left a package to one citizen Payen. The package was opened before Renault, and was shown to contain a full set of women's clothing. The interrogation then continued as follows:
What were your intention in providing yourself with these various items?
Fully expecting to go to the place where I would surely be taken, I would be happy to have linen for my use.
What place are you talking about?
About prison, to from there be sent to the guillotine.
What usage were you planning to make of the two knives that were found on you?
Nothing, I wasn’t planning to harm anybody.
Signed: Voulland, Dubarran, Amar, David, Moïse Bayle, Vadier, Élie Lacoste, Lavicomterie, Jagot, Louis du Bas-Rhin. As for her, she refused to sign.
After this interrogation, Renault was sent from the Committee of General Security to the Conciergerie prison. The following day, May 24, she was interrogated by the president of the Revolutionary Tribunal, René-François Dumas:
What is your name, age, profession and recidence?
My name is Aimée-Cécile Renault, I’m twenty years old, I live with my father, paper merchant, on rue de la Lanterne, close to rue des Marmousets, section de la Cité. I have three brothers, one of which, a 32 year old, lives in the same house, and the other two have left, one with the battalions sent to the department of Eure, the other with the first requisition.
Do you have any particular liasions or associations?
No.
Who are the people who visit your father’s house with the most frequency?
Nobody.
What are your opinions on the Republic and the government?
I want a king, because I’d prefer the power to be in the hands of a single person rather than of forty or fifty thousand tyrants.
How can you suppose that the power of the people, exercised through itself, its representatives or its mandataires to be tyrannical?
I don’t want to share my opinions.
Were your opinions inspired by anyone?
No, and I have no accountability.
Have your manifested your opinions in front of anyone?
No.
Have you in the revolution experienced any loss or been forced into any sacrifice that has been able to serve as a pretext for your opinions?
No, I want a king, I don’t have any other motives.
Do you have the hopes of bringing back a king?
Yes, and it doesn’t matter to me which one.
How do you imagiene the royalty could be reestablished?
Through the success of the armed coalition powers.
Do you have any reports or intelligence that put you in a position to base your hopes on the allied powers on something?
No.
Did you intend to contribute to the re-establishment of royalty?
Yes.
How did you intend to contribute?
I would have contributed with financial assistance and by all means that would have been in my power; I would also have contributed, depending on the circumstances, to destroying the government and those who exercise its power.
Have you made any attempt to carry out your plan?
No.
Have you written any anonymous letter against the government, or know anyone who has done so?
No.
Have you presented yourself at the house of any representative of the people?
I presented myself yesterday at Robespierre’s house, around nine o’clock in the evening.
What was your plan in going to Robespierre’s house.
To talk to him in person.
What did you want to talk to Robespierre about?
I don’t want to give any response or explanation regarding this question.
Do you realize that your answers lead one to believe you had the intention of committing a crime, and that you must explain your intentions?
She does not want to explain further, and adds that she intended to ask him for instructions on the situation and the strengthening of the Republic.
Do you realize that your declarations and obstinacy to not want to explain yourself cannot be reconciled with such a plan, which is why I’m again asking you to explain yourself?
She persists in not wanting to answer.
Did anyone propose to you the plan of going home to Robespierre and did you tell anyone about it?
No.
Did you go to Robespierre’s house several times during day?
No.
When you went to Robespierre, did you have with you knives, and of which sort?
I had in my pocket two folding knives, one in tortoiseshell and the other in ivory, both trimmed in silver: the one made of ivory was given to me by my brother in 89, having found it at Prés-Saint-Gervais. The other was given to me by my grandmother three or four years ago. It was loaded with rust; I cleaned it and tried to remove the rust by scraping the blade with another knife, eight or nine days ago. I rarely use it.
Do you regularly carry two knives?
I carry the tortoiseshell one regularly, the ivory one showed up in my pocket, I didn’t know it was there.
When you went home to Robespierre, did you have the intention of using these knives to kill him?
No; that, moreover, we can judge as we please.
When you yesterday left your father’s house, did you tell anyone?
No.
When you left your house, did you carry with you a package containing clothes, and for what purpose had you brought this package?
I had taken this package containing clothes and linen, because I anticipated that by going to Robespierre I would get arrested.
End of the interrogation.
Renault’s house was searched the night between the 23 and the 24. Suspect things found included two paintings “bearing the effigy of the tyrant and his wife” hidden in a cupboard, ”several papers bearing the signs of feudalism” and two national guard rifles belonging to the father and son. Under the bed in Renault’s room was found a banner on which was crown surrounded by fleur-de-lis printed in large size. In her father’s room was also discovered the following letter to his son:
Paris, January 3, Year II of the Republic.
I’ve seen the letter from your good mother, through which you show that the citizens of the province where you find yourself desire that the former king not be condemned to death. As of now, one can’t tell you anything, because nothing is over yet, but I think that, for the sake of the good and calm of the Republic, it would be desired if he was not executed.
Renault.
To M. Renault, corporal at the depot of the Théâtre-Français battalion, garrisoned in Berlemont.
The father was interrogated on the spot and revealed he had three brothers, two sisters, three sons and one daughter ”who left his house on 4 prairial around six in the evening and who he didn’t know the location of.” Soon, both he, his sister and his youngest son were arrested and seals placed on their belongings. Arrest warrants were also issued against the two oldest sons of the family, but with both away in the armies they escaped the fate of their relatives.
The Renaults’ neighbours were interrogated in order to find out more about them. One femme Papin, who made sure to underline she was not close to Cècile, had the following to say regarding her disappearance:
Citizen Renault, instructed of his daughter’s absence, appeared desolute, and went to his place to check if his daughter hadn’t taken anything with her. He came back saying that the trouble which agitated him robbed him of the ability to see if she had taken anything. Renault then closed his boutique and went to his place. [Femme Papin] went home as well, after having checked, by going home to citoyenne Gentilhomme, citoyenne Bouchot and others, that [Cécile] was not in the neigbourhood. She went to bed, and sometime after having fallen asleep, she was woken up by the son Renault who asked her to look after their cat. She accepted this without thinking about any consequences, without suspecting that in this moment, Renault was being put under arrest. The next day, femme Papin’s oldest daughter learned from citoyenne Besençon, baker, of the arrest of father and son Renault, and it was also said that fille Renault, having learned of the arrest of her brother and father, had fled the house to save herself from the same fate. Six o’clock in the morning, she found herself at the house of citoyenne Julles, talking with her about this arrest, when citoyenne Prévôt entered and told them that fille Renault had been arrested as well, and this while having wanted to kill Robespierre.
Femme Papin’s fifteen year old daughter also came forward, explaining that, on May 23:
Leaving her work and passing by Renault’s boutique, fille Renault knocked on the window, invited her in, and gave her the task of handing over 16 sols to citoyenne Julles. Then she chatted with her for about a quarter of an hour after which she went up to her place. Then she came back down and went out, saying she would not come back. Renault’s brother, not seeing his sister return, was worried to the point that he fell ill.
A girl who had come over to the Renault house to buy a pen declared that Cécile had told her that she had just bought a piece of muslin worth 25 livres from a dressmaker by the name of Sonnet, something which the latter’s wife confirmed to be true. The Renault’s maid declared that she had a bundle of Indian fabrics to redo a taffeta dress for Cécile, and Barbe-Françoise-Antonine Cruel, femme Martin, a different seamstress, reported that Renault had ordered a muslin dress made for her in secret, urging her to get it done as quick as possible since she had to attend the wedding of one of her cousins and because she could get guillotined before it. To that, femme Martin had responded that ”when one does no harm, one should fear nothing.” The revelation Renault possessed several expensive garments, along with information she had had contacts with a young man by the name of Admirat, believed to possibly be related to the Henri Admirat who had made an attempt on Collot d’Herbois’ life a mere day before Renault’s visit to Robespierre, were the main topics for the third interrogation with Renault, held on May 25:
What does your father give you in order to provide for your maintenance?
My dad provides for me, but he only gives me 15 sols per week for personal expenses.
Is it your father or you yourself who buys your clothes? Does he give you a lot and does it vary between different seasons?
He gives me that which satisfies me, and he was the one who bought them.
Do you consider that, holding the trust of your father and being the one who keeps the house running, it seems surprising that it was your father who bought your clothes; and that in general, these kinds of purchases are a thing of the past for women?
She persists in her former response.
Did you, a little while ago, buy different outfits, and do you in this moment have different clothes at the seamstresses?
I bought six ells of muslin, 25 livres per ell, from Sonnet, a haberdasher, living opposite my dad, and I owe him the price. I gave an Italian taffeta dress to citoyenne Dematin, seamstress, living on l’Île de la Fraternité, I believe in a street near the barracks, opposite or nearby an apothecary, and whose name I do not know, to make a sheath out of it for me. I also gave her a muslin sheath, and the six ells of muslin already mentioned, with the exception of the portion which was taken from it to make the garnish, by citoyenne Gentilhomme, linen worker, living with my father. I gave a pierrot de taffetas to lengthen my petticoat to my friend citoyenne Petit, living in Marché-Neuf, with a locksmith, on the fourth floor. My dad doesn’t want me to see her often, observing that she since about a year has been married to a chariot adjutant whose name I don’t know.
Do you understand that one cannot be convinced that, receiving only fifteen sols per week from your father, and this according to your own admission, he would provide you with such a big and beautiful wardrobe?
She persists in declaring that it was her father who bought her the various effects, except for the muslin, and adds that she owes citoyenne Petit, from Marché-Neuf, around forty livres.
Can you explain how, having only 15 sols per week to provide for your particular expenses, you intended to pay the six ells of muslin which you just declared to have purchased on credit, without your father's knowledge. Isn’t it obvious that you could not pay the price of this muslin without some other special resources?
The confidence the merchant, or better yet his wife, had in me, determined them to make this supply on credit and have me pay it off when I could, in ten or twenty years. I intended to ask my dad for fifty livres when I found the opportunity and give it to them.
Do you remember that in the interrogation held yesterday you declared that you would provide money to those who would help you in your counter-revolutionary projects to re-establish the monarchy in France?
I remember saying that.
How can you reconcile this offer of relief with the shortage in which you declare yourself to be?
I acknowledge the shortage in which I find myself, but I would have sold my belongings to provide for the expenses of the armies allied against the Republic.
How long has it been since you went to confession?
I have no accountability for this. Moreover, churches and priests were suppressed a long time ago.
Who was your confessor when the priests exercised their functions?
I have never been to confession.
Have you been to the house of any priest after they stopped holding office, and has any priest frequented your father’s house?
No.
Have you, since the supression, been at the house of the priest of la Magdeleine?
No, because I knew he was a firm patriot, and that he didn’t share my opinions.
Have you sometimes gone to the curé of Saint-Landry, or had any relations with him?
No, I don’t know him, I only know his name.
Do you know citizen Admirat, aged 16 or 17, who sometimes came to see the son of widow Joyanvad, marchande épicière, rue de la Lanterne, at the corner of rue des Marmouzets?
I’ve seen him five to six times only, but I have never spoken to him. I’ve seen him at my father’s house, which is next to that of citoyenne Joyanval.
Have you been to café Payen?
I have not gone into the café, but I left my package to citizen Payen and asked him where Robespierre lived. He sent me to the guardhouse of the firefighters, who gave me the adress.
Were you not surprised one wouldn’t give you Robespierre’s adress, and did you tell them you were going to see a man who today was a lot and tomorrow would be no more?
I might have, I don’t remember. But speaking to the fireman, I told him: ”Robespierre is somewhere.” The fireman having answered that he was president of the Committee of Public Safety, I replied ”So a king then?”
Have you considered that the various admissions made by you in the previous interrogations, together with those recorded in this one, announce that your visit to Robespierre had any other aim than that of discussing only government affairs?
She persists in her previous responses in this regard.
Are you on the point of marrying?
No.
When did you become a royalist?
I have always been one.
I ask you again what it was that determined you to go home to Robespierre was and what your plan was.
She persists in her previous responses, and adds that she would not say more about this; that moreover, it is up to us to guess the rest. (6 prairial, 6 o’clock in the morning)
Soon, Renault did however start having a guilty conscience over having denied her faith, and seven o’clock in the evening the very same day she gave the names of the two late priests that had been in charge of her communion to a judge of the tribunal. When asked if she since then had performed any religious act and who the persons who had made her do that were, Renault simply responded that that was a secret and she had nothing more to say.
During the trial of public prosecutor Fouquier-Tinville one year later, the registrar Wolff claimed that Renault was stripped of her own clothes, covered in rags and threatened during her interrogation:
To force her to make the confession that they wanted to extract from her, she was applied to a type of questioning so ridiculous that it should have made the justice system blush. As the taste of this young girl, who was quite pretty, was to be well dressed, she was stripped of her clothes and covered with dirty and disgusting rags, and in this state she was taken up to the council chamber where she underwent a new interrogation and where the same demands and the same threats were made against her; to which she replied the same way she had already done, adding jeers and mockery against the judges who had the pettiness to use such a ridiculous type of question against her. She was threatened with taking her father and her entire family with her if she did not confess to this alleged assassination.
As Renault was being interrogated, the city section where her family lived also carried out an investigation against them, and through it, even more compromising details came floating up to the surface. It was reported that the family, after the overthrow of the monarchy, had had the words ”the nation, the law and the king” on a cartridge box (giberne), words which they at first refused to delete, though they would eventually do so with the ”king” part. Renault’s father, speaking of the murder of Lepeletier in January 1793, was said to have had stated ”Well! One also wants the death of the king, that will cost them dearly,” while his son had openly lamanted the king’s and queen’s imprisonment in the Temple while serving as guard there. His statement had been reported to the rest of the guard unit, but he had ignored it, simply saying that he thought what he thought.
Renault’s three arrested family members — father, brother and aunt — were all interrogated on May 28:
Antoine Renault, 62 years old.
Do you know who the people are that your children frequent and have relations with?
I only know of indifferent relations to neighbors or relatives. A sister of mine, a former nun, called sister gray, came to my house and conferred with my daughter, without me remarking anything in particular between them. Said sister is very attached to religion.
Learning that we were writing down this part of his response, he wanted to cut it out.
Does your daughter have any fanatical prejudices and any passions typical for her age?
I haven’t noticed in my daughter any religious affections, she appears rather indifferent when it comes to this subject. There exists no clue she has any passions, on the contrary, she is watched over and never leaves the house alone, except for when she rarely goes to the market. When she goes out, I always accompany her. I add here that my daughter is very attached to her aunt.
How do you provide maintenance for your daughter?
I myself buy what is necessary for her.
Where were you the fourth (23rd) this month?
I stopped working (j’ai descendu la garde) at two a’clock, I had dinner at my place with my son and daughter. Five o’clock, being on the point of going to bed, my son and daughter engaged me to go out to relax. I did so, carrying with me 25 livres that he owed to a laundress. I returned home at eight o'clock in the evening, where I found my son and the fille Pepin (Papin), both in anguish, and the former troubled because my daughter, who had been gone since six o’clock, had not returned. They told me that before leaving, she had told them to wait for her, that she would return, without saying where she was going. I had as my plan to go see if my daughter was at her aunt’s house, so I left my house, but fearing to meet her on the way, I went inside and went to bed, as did my son, and we got arrested in the night. I don’t know what has become of my daughter since this moment.
He is asked about the small pieces of furniture (petits meubles) that his daughter owned.
I know of scissors, a bad knife with an ivory handle, which was given to her by her brother; another knife with a scale handle, from my dead sister. She does not usually carry them and often has neither.
Do you know what your daughter’s opinion is on the revolution?
She is a good patriot, she loves the republic very much.
Does your daughter miss the tyrant and has she shown that she desires to see a king reestablished in France?
No.
Have you yourself, in your house, sought to inspire your children with dispositions contrary to the Republic and the current government?
No.
One shows him the letter dated January 3 1793 written by him to his son, the two portraits of the king and the queen found, the two small knives, scissors and a case that he recognizes as belonging to his daughter.
He responds to questions asked regarding the denounciations of which he has been the object. He has never heard his daughter talk about Robespierre or her plan.
Does your daughter know how to read and write?
No, moreover, my daughter has so little inclination towards fanaticism that she has never taken what is called first communion, and has never approached a priest to make what is called confession.
The same day, Antoine-Jacques Renault, 31 years old.
Did you know that the paintings were being kept in a cupboard?
Yes.
Have you served as guard at the Temple?
Yes, two times.
He denies the conversation attributed to him by a denouncer. He is asked again if priests came to his house and if they declaimed against the Republic?
No.
Do you know Admirat?
No.
When your sister went out, why were you so worried?
As my sister usually doesn’t go out, I was worried over not seeing her again.
Do you observe that the situation in which you find yourself does not indicate simple concern, but deep affection to dreadful events?
He persists in his answer.
Do you know that your sister planned to assassinate members of the Committee of Public Safety, and were you involved in the plot?
No.
The same day Edme-Jeanne Renault, 60 years, former nun, rue de Babylone, 698.
Do you often go home to your brother, Antoine Renault?
I go there at least once every décade.
Which priests do you know?
I haven’t seen one in two years.
Have you had any particular conversations with fille Renault?
I view her as my niece, without particularities.
Do you know someone named Admirat, and do you know that he was known to your niece?
No.
Did you know about your niece’s plan? Were you an accomplice? Do you know who inspired it? Did conversations hostile to the republic take place in your house?
No.
The same day her three relatives were heard, Renault was her too picked in by Dumas for a fourth interrogation:
Eight days before your arrest, did you not strongly press a seamstress to carry out work that you had given her?
Yes, and these works were garments.
Did you say to this worker that you were in a hurry for these clothes, and that you didn't know what could happen, and that you could get guillotined in eight days?
I may have said that.
How is it that eight days before your arrest, you could foresee that you could get guillotined?
I have no idea.
Did your family know that you were preparing for first communions?
Never.
How did you know that Blondeau, priest of Saint-Denis-du-Pas, died last Pentecost?
It is only too true that the good priest is dead, I do not want to say from whom I learned of his death.
Do you want to declare that it was he who suggest to you the plan that you attempted to carry out?
Nobody did.
Do you often see your aunt, the former nun?
About every fortnight, and not as often as I would have desired.
She doesn’t want to make more declarations.
She declares that she doesn’t know how to sign.
Signed only F. Girard.
Renault was not perceived as some ”lone madwoman” by the authorities. Instead, they viewed her alleged assassination attempt as part of a bigger conspiracy, connected first and foremost to Henri Admirat’s attempt on Collot d’Herbois life one day earlier. Admirat and Renault were in their turn believed to be accomplices of Baron de Batz, a royalist and former member of the National Assembly, who had since turned against the revolution and was currently in hiding. According to letter written by the Committee of General Security to the public prosecutor exactly a month before Renault’s visit to Robespierre, de Batz had tried to rescue the royal family from the Temple by pretending to serve a guard there, tried to rally a mob to save the king on the day of his execution, held an Austrian committee directed by Marie-Antoinette, tried to bribe the authorities, and had contacts with both William Pitt, the Vendée, Toulon, Lyon, Marseille and the émigrés, all with the goal ”to assassinate the national representation, the object of his constant rage.” The letter ended by declaring de Batz was officially outlawed and any means were allowed when it came to capturing him.
In the weeks following Renault’s arrest, she would be joined by more people would said to belong to this alleged conspiracy, among them de Batz’ mistress, lodger and secretary, a domestic and seamstress, a former marquis and his son, a banker, a confident of Fabre d’Églantine and Hérault de Séchelles, parisian prisoners de Batz was believed to have influenced, and even several men currently employed in revolutionary administrations believed to benefit the enemy. On June 14, the Convention unanimously decided to immediately send the total of 40 accused before the Revolutionary Tribunal, following a report on the conspiracy read by the Committee of General Security’s Élie Lacoste (the total number would however have been bumped up to 54 once the trial began). The main objective of the conspiracy had according to Lacoste been ”the abduction of Capet's widow, the dissolution of the National Convention, and finally counter-revolution.”
The trial started on June 17 and lasted only for a few hours (I’ve unfortunately not discovered the minutes for it). All of the 54 accused, with the exception of Admirat, denied having been involved in any assassination plan. That was however not enough to stop the tribunal from sentencing every single one of them to death. They were executed at four o’clock the very same day, all dressed in red shirts, which the penal code of 1791 had proclaimed all condemned murderers were to wear.
Though Robespierre never so much as saw Renault or Henri Admirat, the assassination attempts are still often seen as a contributing factor to a decline of his mental health in the last months of his life. Already on May 25, he was the author of the following CPS decree, rather panicky in tone, asking Saint-Just, who was currently away with the armies, to return to Paris:
Dear collegue,
Liberty is exposed to new dangers; the factions arise with a character more alarming than ever. The lines to get butter are more numerous and more turbulent than ever when they have the least pretexts, an insurrection in the prisons which was to break out yesterday and the intrigues which manifested themselves in the time of Hébert are combined with assassination attemps on several occasions against members of the Committee of Public Safety; the remnants of the factions, or rather the factions still alive, are redoubled in audacity and perfidy. There is fear of an aristocratic uprising, fatal to liberty. The greatest peril that threatens it is in Paris. The Committee needs to bring together the lights and energy of all its members. Calculate whether the army of the North, which you have powerfully contributed to putting on the path to victory, can do without your presence for a few days. We will replace you, until you return, with a patriotic representative.
The members composing the Committee of Public Safety.
Robespierre, Prieur, Carnot, Billaud-Varennes, Barère.
The next day, May 26, after Barère in the name of the CPS had read a report to the Convention regarding the assassination attemps (calling Renault ”a royalist as fanatical as the most inveterate of couriers”) and using them as a weapon against the English, Robespierre mounted the roatroom and held a fiery speech — ”calumnies, treasons, fires, poisonings, atheism, corruption, famine, assassinations, have all lavished their crimes; there still remains assassination, and then assassination, and then again assassination.” He appeared at the Jacobins the following day but after that he didn’t speak in public again until June 8, the day of the Festival of the Supreme Being. The Convention deputy Joachim Vilate claimed in the pamphlet Causes secrètes de la révolution du 9 au 10 thermidor (1794) that Robespierre during the last months of his life ”spoke only of assassination, again assassination, always assassination. He was frightened his own shadow would assassinate him. One month before his overthrow I had only set foot in his house and was given worried and threatening looks.”
The assassination attemps are also commonly seen as a contributing factor to the creation of to the Law of 22 Prairial, passed by the Convention on June 10, which Renault and the other accused were also judged under.
#cécile renault#robespierre#frev#french revolution#long post#ask#”i wasn’t gonna harm him but i think he’s a tyrant and i want to see the government overthrown.”#girl what kind of strategy is THAT???#either go all in ”yes i was gonna stab him and i’m proud of it.”#or just go ”oh no i had no evil intentions whatsoever i just always carry knives on me. i ❤️ max!!!#also ”oh no my daughter/sister who never leaves the house alone has left it alone without telling me where and i’m super worried”#”well best just go to sleep and hope she shows up eventually”#like WHO reasons like that????
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. . . STRATEGIC TWISTS! featuring kaoru takamura & krystian karmazin!
contains! . . . lowercase writing, use of the word monster (not in an insulting way..? i mean, its kaoru), pretty much none!
notes! . . . so... im trying out a new... this, whatever you call it— hope ya enjoy this lil drabble i made abt my two silly ocs :]]
with her back to the mostly monochrome jester, kaoru takamura begins, “so,” after outlining her strategy in eliminating her archenemy. she knows that her opponent will employ similar unexpected turns and twists as she did, but thanks to her intelligence, kaoru came very prepared for any planned deception going through her path.
with two allies at her side (albeit only one was willing to participate, the other... not so much, but begrudgingly, they had no choice but to accept), kaoru is confident that the plan will be deftly carried out to guarantee her success.
the hot pink-hued woman turns around and smiles expectantly at krystian karmazin with slim intertwined hands in front of her torso.
“you got it, krystian?”
grinning resolutely—showcasing the two pairs of sharp canines that were different from the rest of his less pointed teeth—the taller individual standing at a freakish 7’6” (228 cm) gives the woman of mildly-wavy hair a thumbs up, expressing his delight in flawlessly executing the intellectual’s plan.
krystian doesn't exactly to do things precisely wrong, unless it involves anything to do with those cunning clever little rodents called rats and mice.
“got it!” he exclaims proudly, well aware of the role he has to play and the tasks he has to do in the plot—quite ironic considering his true thoughts about the plan.
‘got what??’
of course, it must've been tiring keeping up with kaoru and this nemesis of hers' plots with dozens of turns of events.
because, as told by a majority of others spoken around, kaoru takamura is an absolute monster when it comes to strategy. not one person has been recorded to have figured out or outsmart any plan she made against them.
© thedemises 2024. all rights reserved. please do not repost, copy, or claim as your own. ━━ word count: 293.
#tbh im too lazy to change the headings of all my previous old works so I'll just leave it likethat#thedemises; writing#thedemises; ocs#thedemises; (oc) kaoru takamura#thedemises; (oc) krystian karmazin#ocs#oc stuff#my ocs#original character#writing#own character#own characters#original characters#oc#writers on tumblr#drabble#strategy#kaoru /is/ a monster actually. just not only in strategy and management in plans up to 300 (does that make sense?)#she's a criminal whose records are hidden- thanks to a government agent she knows well but isn't close with them-#tbh im kinda feeling lazy so i won't elaborate why kaoru is a monster strategist /AND/ a monster manipulator#kaoru is just a littletoo silly than the average silly person ok?? :]]]#drabbles#short writing#this is... a bit too overwritten for a drabble...
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If this current surge of covid were having now happened in 2020 or 2021 we would hundred percent be in lockdown right now. That theres people going about their lives unmasked like its 2019 is unfathomable. Please wear a good mask like a kn95 or n95 or better respirator, because when you dont you're sending the message that you do not care about disabled or immunocompromised people. You dont get to kill your grandma because you wanted to go out to lunch. Please take care of each other, it's literally the least we can do if we're all stuck on this planet with each other.
#fr the governments vax and relax strategy is not helpful#like yes vaccines do help but they arent totally preventative and wearing a mask when youre out is like the best thing you can do to...#...protect your health and the health of the people that you love#estimates right now indicate 1 in 10 covid infections will result in long covid#if youve read anything from anyone with long covid you know how debilitating and scary it is#especially when there seems to be limited research#idk im scared guys#we just gotta take care of each other#something something bill and ted say wearing a mask is being excellent to each other
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Feeling extremely frustrated and sad and unsafe because what's happening in Gaza is horrific, and also every social media circle I'm in is falling for the slanted media coverage without a second thought. The people I usually relate to the most are so dead set on making this a black and white conflict that they're completely overlooking the huge gaps in the narrative, and any attempt to talk about nuance or real solutions is aggressively rejected.
#there are a million examples but at the moment I'm most preoccupied with the repeated calls for a ceasefire#which have zero mention or awareness of the fact that hamas is refusing to negotiate#they could hand over the hostages at any time#but it's what their strategy has always been#hamas wants the gazans to suffer so that the rest of the world turns on Israel#they don't want peace#they want to play off a reactionary rightwing government with the gazans as the martyred collateral#this is not speculation this is based on statements directly from hamas' leadership
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Navigating the Apocalypse: 10 Essential Tips for Surviving in a Post-Apocalyptic Novel
Welcome to the end of the world, where the only thing more uncertain than tomorrow is whether or not you’ll have your skull bashed in by a mutant.
This post will guide you through this barren and desolate realm.
Here are ten tips to surviving a post-apocalyptic novel:.
1. Always carry a weapon, preferably one that’s also a musical instrument. In a post-apocalyptic novel, you never know when…
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#brewing alcohol in the apocalypse#distrust of government officials in the apocalypse#making friends with mutants#mutant survival strategies#navigating a post-apocalyptic novel#post-apocalyptic survival tips#speaking zombie in a post-apocalyptic world#spotting love triangles in post-apocalyptic novels#weapons in post-apocalyptic fiction
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“ ... Rufo, 38, is interesting and important in his own right. Not even three years ago, he was known, if he was known at all, as a short-lived Seattle city council candidate and a more or less middling maker of documentary films. Now he is, he says, a policy scholar and a political combatant, an activist and a polemicist — a journalist. He’s “a right-wing propagandist,” in the words of Rep. Jamie Raskin, the Democrat from Maryland. He’s “a hired gun for the information wars,” in the estimation of rhetoric expert Jen Mercieca. .... “
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Crushing Poverty: Unleashing the Power of Goal 1 for a Prosperous World
Introduction
In an ideal world, every individual should have the opportunity to thrive, free from the grip of poverty. However, poverty remains a persistent and complex challenge that affects billions of people worldwide. Acknowledging this dire reality, the United Nations set forth a transformative agenda known as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015. Among the 17 goals, Goal 1 stands as a beacon of hope, aiming to eradicate poverty in all its forms by 2030. In this article, we will explore the significance of Goal 1, delve into the multifaceted nature of poverty, discuss its impacts, and outline a roadmap to achieve a poverty-free world.
The Urgency of No Poverty
Poverty is not merely a statistic; it represents the daily struggle of countless individuals, families, and communities. The urgency to address this issue is paramount, as poverty engenders a host of other social, economic, and political problems. Poverty leads to increased social inequalities, limits access to basic human rights, perpetuates cycles of deprivation, and hampers sustainable development efforts. It is crucial to acknowledge that poverty is not an isolated problem but rather interconnected with several other SDGs, such as those related to hunger, health, education, and gender equality.
The Significance of Goal 1
Goal 1 serves as the foundation upon which the other SDGs can be achieved. By focusing on poverty eradication, societies can break free from the vicious cycle of deprivation and inequality, creating an environment conducive to sustainable development. Goal 1 encompasses three dimensions of poverty: extreme poverty (living on less than $1.90 a day), moderate poverty, and multidimensional poverty, which takes into account factors such as education, health, and standard of living.
Understanding Poverty
Defining Poverty
Poverty can be defined as a state of deprivation, where individuals lack access to resources and opportunities required for a decent standard of living. Beyond financial poverty, it encompasses various aspects, including inadequate education, limited access to healthcare, lack of clean water and sanitation, insufficient housing, and social exclusion. A comprehensive understanding of poverty requires recognizing its multidimensional nature, acknowledging the complexities that perpetuate its existence.
The Multi-Dimensional Nature of Poverty
Poverty extends far beyond monetary measures. It manifests in different forms, affecting diverse dimensions of human life. Access to quality education, healthcare, housing, clean water, sanitation, and basic infrastructure are crucial components that contribute to poverty alleviation. Additionally, social exclusion, discrimination, and gender inequality serve as barriers, exacerbating the effects of poverty and limiting opportunities for marginalized groups.
The Impacts of Poverty
Economic Consequences
Poverty has far-reaching economic consequences, creating a vicious cycle that hampers economic growth. Individuals living in poverty often lack access to education and skills training, limiting their employment prospects and perpetuating low-income jobs. Reduced productivity, limited market participation, and insufficient investment in human capital are key challenges that stem from poverty, inhibiting economic development at both individual and societal levels.
Social and Psychological Effects
Beyond economic implications, poverty takes a toll on the social fabric of societies. It breeds social inequalities, marginalizes individuals and communities, and leads to a lack of social cohesion. Poverty often results in increased crime rates, unequal access to justice, and limited political participation. Moreover, the psychological impact of poverty cannot be overlooked, as individuals experience heightened stress, anxiety, and low self-esteem, which further hinders their ability to break free from the poverty trap.
The Roadmap to No Poverty
Empowering Individuals
To effectively combat poverty, empowerment plays a pivotal role. Empowering individuals involves providing access to quality education, healthcare, and social protection systems. Equipping individuals with skills and knowledge empowers them to participate fully in the economy, enabling sustainable livelihoods and enhancing their overall well-being.
Enhancing Economic Opportunities
Promoting inclusive economic growth is crucial in eradicating poverty. This requires creating an enabling environment for entrepreneurship, job creation, and investment. Governments, in partnership with the private sector, can foster innovation and provide support to small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to stimulate economic development and reduce inequalities.
Creating Sustainable Development
Sustainable development is essential for breaking the cycle of poverty. It entails investing in infrastructure, promoting renewable energy, and adopting environmentally friendly practices. Embracing sustainable development principles ensures the conservation of natural resources, mitigates climate change, and creates opportunities for economic growth that benefits all segments of society.
Success Stories and Inspiring Initiatives
Microfinance Revolutionizing Lives
Microfinance has emerged as a powerful tool in the fight against poverty. By providing small loans and financial services to the most vulnerable populations, microfinance institutions empower individuals to start businesses, improve their livelihoods, and escape poverty. The Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, founded by Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus, stands as a shining example of how microfinance can transform lives.
Conditional Cash Transfer Programs: Breaking the Cycle
Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programs have gained traction worldwide as effective poverty reduction strategies. These programs provide direct cash transfers to low-income households, conditional upon certain behaviors such as sending children to school or attending healthcare appointments. By incentivizing education and healthcare utilization, CCT programs break intergenerational cycles of poverty, offering families a pathway towards a better future.
Education as the Key to Prosperity
Education is an indispensable tool for poverty eradication. Investing in quality education, particularly for marginalized communities, equips individuals with the skills and knowledge needed to break free from the chains of poverty. Accessible and inclusive education systems empower individuals to secure better employment opportunities, escape poverty, and contribute meaningfully to society.
The Role of Governments, NGOs, and Individuals
Government Policies and International Cooperation
Governments play a crucial role in implementing policies and creating an enabling environment to eradicate poverty. It requires effective governance, equitable resource allocation, and social protection systems. International cooperation, through partnerships and aid, is also vital in supporting countries' efforts to achieve Goal 1.
NGOs and Grassroots Movements
Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and grassroots movements play a significant role in poverty reduction by filling gaps in service delivery, advocating for marginalized communities, and facilitating empowerment initiatives. Their on-the-ground presence and community-driven approaches help address the unique challenges faced by different communities.
Individual Actions: The Power of Small Steps
While governments and organizations have a crucial role to play, individuals can also make a difference in the fight against poverty. Small acts of kindness, volunteering, supporting local businesses, and advocating for social justice contribute to building a more inclusive and equitable society. Collectively, these individual actions have the potential to create a ripple effect and drive meaningful change.
Conclusion
Goal 1: No Poverty serves as a rallying point for humanity to address the pervasive challenge of poverty. Understanding the multi-dimensional nature of poverty and its far-reaching impacts is essential for crafting effective strategies. By empowering individuals, enhancing economic opportunities, and fostering sustainable development, we can move closer to a world free from poverty. Success stories and inspiring initiatives, combined with the collective efforts of governments, NGOs, and individuals, offer hope for a future where no one is left behind. Let us unite and work tirelessly to achieve Goal 1 and build a prosperous world for all.
#Understanding the multi-dimensional nature of poverty: Goal 1 insights#Economic consequences of poverty: Goal 1's impact on development#Goal 1 strategies for a poverty-free world: Empowering communities#How to eradicate poverty: Goal 1 strategies#Breaking the poverty cycle: Goal 1 in action#Achieving Goal 1: Roadmap to a poverty-free world#Understanding the impacts of poverty: Goal 1 insights#Success stories of poverty alleviation: Goal 1 triumphs#Empowering individuals: Key to Goal 1 success#Enhancing economic opportunities for poverty eradication: Goal 1 approach#Sustainable development and poverty reduction: Goal 1 initiatives#Microfinance revolutionizing lives: Goal 1 case studies#Conditional cash transfer programs: Breaking poverty with Goal 1#Education as a pathway out of poverty: Goal 1 focus#Government policies and international cooperation for Goal 1#NGOs and grassroots movements in the fight against poverty: Goal 1 impact#Individual actions for Goal 1: Making a difference in poverty reduction#Goal 1: No Poverty - Transforming societies for a better future#The urgency of poverty eradication: Goal 1's significance#Social and psychological effects of poverty: Goal 1's hidden costs#Goal 1 success stories: Inspiring poverty reduction initiatives#Tackling poverty through education and skills training: Goal 1's role#Government policies for poverty eradication: Goal 1's influence#How NGOs contribute to Goal 1: Fighting poverty on the ground#Individual actions for a poverty-free world: Supporting Goal 1#Goal 1: No Poverty - A comprehensive roadmap for change#Understanding poverty: Key to achieving Goal 1#Breaking barriers to economic opportunities: Goal 1's impact#Sustainable development for poverty eradication: Goal 1's approach#Goal 1: No Poverty - Unleashing the power of collective action
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“From Here to Infinity!” Fear (Vol. 1/1970), #15.
Writer: Steve Gerber; Penciler: Val Mayerik; Inker: Frank McLaughlin; Colorist: Petra Goldberg; Letterer: Artie Simek
#Marvel#Marvel comics#Marvel 616#Fear#Man-Thing#Ted Sallis#Jennifer Kale#I’m pretty sure I’ve seen this scene in just about every film about a girl and some not-meant-to-be-domesticated creature#but you don’t see me complaining hahaha#also I sincerely wish Grandpa Kale would stop having his own agenda concerning Ted#I know it’s for the good of all reality and whatever and some more objective people might argue that at this stage#it’s not like Ted could really process any sort of complex world-saving strategy#HOWEVER…I’m not objective and think it would be more polite to at least let a guy know if you’re going to rely on him#as a major piece in your game of world-saving chess#I guess it’s just ironic that Ted was used by the government for his intelligence so that they could obtain a super soldier serum#for potentially dubious ends#and now Ted’s seeming lack of wits is being taken advantage of a bit here
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The strategy... was supposed to be a groundbreaking response to recommendations from the restaurateur Henry Dimbleby, who wrote two government-commissioned reports on obesity and the environment.
Dimbleby made a number of high-profile suggestions, including the expansion of free school meals, increasing environment and welfare standards in farming, and a 30% reduction in meat and dairy consumption.
But the slim 27-page document makes few recommendations, and declines to address the contribution of food prices to the cost of living crisis or address calls for consuming less meat and dairy.
Among its few policy proposals are the suggestion there could be more fish farming, which is environmentally controversial, and an increase in the use of “responsibly sourced wild venison”.
The strategy was described as “bordering on preposterous” by Labour over its lack of concrete proposals on food prices and “worse than half-baked” by the environmental campaign group Greenpeace.
Johnson recently delayed measures to tackle obesity and has come under fire for failing to do enough help families with the cost of living, with inflation running at 9%.
Although the white paper accepts food prices are a major part of the squeeze facing many families, and that many people on low incomes struggle to afford to eat, it suggests this is not the business of a government food strategy.
Experts had also urged the government to cut meat and dairy consumption in order to improve land use and tackle the climate emergency. Dimbleby called for a 30% reduction, and Greenpeace a more ambitious 70%. In his executive summary, Dimbleby stated: “Careful livestock farming can be a boon to the environment, but our current appetite for meat is unsustainable: 85% of farmland is used to feed livestock. We need some of that land back.”
However, the government makes no such commitment, instead opening a consultation about new technologies to help cattle produce less methane. There is also a focus on regenerative livestock farming, which uses more land than intensive farming to produce less protein.
It says: “Sustainable sources of protein do not have to be new or novel or displace traditional sectors. Regenerative farming will also provide a more sustainable production of traditional protein sources. Using livestock to benefit the environment in balance with food production is already being championed by many small-scale farmers.”
One new announcement made in the white paper is regarding animal welfare. Ministers plan to make it easier for countries to trade with the UK if they have strong animal welfare legislation.
The report also mentions an expansion of aquaculture – fish farming – to potentially replace some meat in the diet. This is despite fish farming being found to be often very damaging to the environment.
Deer stalkers will also enjoy a boon from the report, as one of the few new announcements it makes is that the government will “look to increase the use of responsibly sourced wild venison, which would have otherwise been disposed of, in the food chain”.
Environment experts who fed into the strategy said it was “worse than they expected” – and they did not have high expectations.
There are also fears that the report signals a watering down of the environment land management scheme (ELMS) as there are no targets for land use change mentioned.
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Disney vs. DeSantis is so funny because it's like. Neither side even wanted to get into this. Here's how it's supposed to go: Politician does something stupid. Corporation disavows politician after public pressure. Politician disavows the disavowing. Nothing changes for either party.
But then the Florida governor got stars in his eyes. He saw an opportunity to bolster his standing before the presidential primary. He wanted to be the one who took on The Mouse and won. So in retaliation he decides he's going to tear down the decades-old agreement Disney uses to govern Disney World's district.
And just like that, Disney's batshit insane legal department turns towards Florida like the Eye of Sauron spotting the ring at Mount Doom. They smell lost profit. They smell blood.
Disney will use any and every strategy they've accumulated over the last century of lobbying congress and DeSantis can't back down lest he admit Mickey Mouse beat his ass. He's lost control of Disney World's district even more than he already did. Now he's getting sued.
This all started because Disney was pressured into backtracking their political contributions to Florida and disavowing the Don't Say Gay law. Now they're fighting for something they actually care about: their profit margin. Disney is not an ally to queer people and they're an enemy to progressives, but damn am I rooting for them to keep humiliating the greater evil for the time being. This is high comedy.
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