Russia Is Fucking Up Queer Lives. How Can I Help?

i kno there are several masterposts with links and etc, but i want to make one for our foreign friends

so, the help how? mostly, donations and signing petitions. for now ru-queers are in need for legal and psychological support, sheltering and evacuation, which is done by several organisations also, please spread the word. there's little info on what's happening here, so any reblog of news or info posts would be appreciated

Petitions

Quarteera's petition for providing easier access to refugee status for trans people from russia (since the transition is prohibited here) in germany. can be signed from any country. more details here

Sphere's petition for easier obtain of visas and travel documents for ru-queers in countries that have signed international human rights conventions

Donations

Coming Out - helping organisation, provides legal, informational and psychological support

Queer-Svit - organisation helping lgbtq and bame people; provides help for people affected by war in ukraine (relocation, financial support), national minorities in russia, belarus and other "post-soviet" countries, trans people in russia

SK SOS - crisis group working in north caucasus regions, including chechnya/ichkeria; focuses on evacuation of women and queer people from there

Centre-T - initiative group for trans and non-binary people

Dept One - advocacy organisation which also works with lgbtq community (accepts donations with crypto currency, for other currencies email them)

OVD-Info - advocacy organisation which also works with lgbtq community

Resource Center for LGBT in Ural - focuses mainly on helping people in yekaterinburg offline, but also provides online help

Parni PLUS - russian lgbtq media, which also provides informational support for people in need

some of the sites are in russian, so use translate if it's hard to navigate.

im afraid i didn't mention a lot of organisations and initiatives (sphere, russian lgbt network and etc are not included since i can't find links for donations. if you find them i'll add). so additions are welcomed

thank you!

https://twitter.com/Orthodoxe/status/1585009128346619905

As you may recall, Kadyrov is the knuckle-dragger behind this:

Chechnya Is Trying to Exterminate Gay People. Our Silence Only Emboldens Vladimir Putin and Ramzan Kadyrov.

A new film, “Welcome to Chechnya,” documents the torture, disappearances, and extrajudicial killings of gay men in the Russian republic.

https://theintercept.com/2020/06/28/welcome-to-chechnya-gay-men/

And from stage right, please welcome this Russian nationalist:

https://twitter.com/DylanBurns1776/status/1585027056235995137

Russian military operations abroad in the past decades.

by @XemartinLaborde 

In twenty years, Vladimir Putin has committed his soldiers to several theaters of operations, placing military force at the center of his policy

Chechnya, 1999-2009: In September, the Prime Minister, Vladimir Putin, launches a “counter-terrorism operation” in Chechnya, whose separatists are accused of having committed attacks in Russia. Grozny, already devastated by the war from 1994 to 1996, was pounded by the air force. Control of the region is locked by the installation in power of Akhmad Kadyrov. Russia's new strongman won the 2000 presidential election in the first round.

Georgia, 2008: After clashes between South Ossetian separatists and the Georgian army, the latter started a military intervention. The conflict spreads to Abkhazia. Russia is deploying 40,000 troops in support of the separatists. Three months earlier NATO had welcomed “the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of Ukraine and Georgia; In five days, the troops of Tbilisi are crushed. The independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is recognized by Moscow, which retains control of 20% of Georgian territory.

Ukraine, 2014: Annexation of Crimea, and war in Donbas with the military support of Russia

Libya, 2016, in progress: The fall and death of Gaddafi in 2011, thanks to NATO's support for the Libyan rebellion, are experienced as a humiliation by Moscow, which sees its influence diminishing in a region that has long gravity in the Soviet orbit. From 2016, during the second Libyan civil war, Russia sent arms and mercenaries in support of Marshal Khalife Haftar, against the government of Tripoli.

Syria, 2015, in progress: On September 30, Vladimir Putin launched a vast military intervention to rescue the regime in Damascus, which now controls only a small portions of the territory. The massive aerial bombings reversed the balance of power. Bashar Al-Assad is kept in power. The Russian army maintains strategic military bases east of the Mediterranean.

Nagorno-Karabakh, 2020, in progress: At the end of September, Azerbaijan launched a victorious offensive and recaptured the separatist region of Nagorno-Karabakh, supported by Armenia. Moscow, linked to Yerevan by a military alliance, does not intervene in the conflict, but imposes itself as a mediator. According to the November 9 peace agreement, Russia deploys a peacekeeping force of 2,000 men for five years, reinforcing its military presence in the South Caucasus.

Ukraine, 2022, ongoing: Under the guise of protecting ethnic Russians and Russian-speakers from a "nazi" state and “without legal existence", Vladimir Putin invades Ukraine on February 24, using in particular his troops based in Belarus and his allies from the self-proclaimed republics in the cities of Donetsk and Luhansk. This "special military operation" must serve to reaffirm its power in the face of a NATO presence, denounced as aggressive.

You know, as a real peacenik and a "there's no real borders man, we're all one people" kind of person, it just drives me nuts that people can't see nuance with it

Like I'm very anti war... but that doesn't mean I expect Ukraine to roll over and die for the sake of some kind of "peace" (in fact I think the quickest way to minimize the death is to just give Ukraine all the weapons possible, and surely the whole point of being anti war is being against senseless death so...)

And like, with that bit about "oh, you're all brothers" it's like... learn to read the room man

Like I'm American, I have governments I dislike, but I don't have any kind of generational grudges... except maybe towards some American politicians, they're the ones that have probably directly wronged me the most. So like, any given person so long as they're not actively doing something bad, I'd be happy to welcome them

But I'm not an idiot, I'm not gonna just tell someone Korean about how Japan is their brothers cause I can pay attention to history that happened in the last 100 years

Similarly I'm not gonna tell anywhere that was under soviet rule to make nice with russia when... you know, they did a terrible job reporting what was happening in Chechnya, or Georgia, or even in 2014; but looking back at it, it doesn't take much to see the brutality of the russia army and like... I'm not gonna tell someone to play nice with people who committed atrocities against them not even that long ago

Peace and love and world unity are all great ideals, they're stuff I want to see, but damn... you've got to live in the real world, and so many people in the west seem totally unwilling to listen or learn the history of anywhere else, and then they make fools of themselves

(Bonus story you might find funny: I, an American, once made a post on here saying how I notice a lot of Americans are very America-centric in their thinking, and then got called xenophobic)

The thing is the way westerners view 'peace' is different to what 'peace' is when you are in the country that is affected by war. For them it's like "oh war is over we don't hear about it anymore everything is dandy" when the county where "peace" was finally established had to pay a high price - either by defending their borders and losing citizens or giving up their territories and being occupied. I know it is hard to imagine this for people who haven't experienced war but being occupied is not just a word, it means people lose lives, people lose homes, people are being persecuted for their views & actions, separated from friends and family, losing homes, economy going to shit, raising unemployment, crumbling education system etc. So it might look 'peaceful' on the outside because news outlets have finally shut up about it but life there is a struggle and there is no progress on horizon, no hope.

So as much as it's great to advocate for peace, it is not realistic to some of us who have neighbours like Russia, that's probably 100 times bigger and stronger. Accepting peace for us means just. not existing anymore.

The way especially Americans are so often advocating for peace makes me absolutely FURIOUS because on the one hand they will insist that every white person (even non American) contributed to slavery but will absolutely disregard when we start talking about Russia's centuries old history of mistreating minorities and imperialism. Or will start defending one single 'poor russian' and totally miss the point of discussion.

I do understand every country has it's issues and the US is certainly no exclusion but as an American I think it is important to understand that a lot of especially leftists in US are very susceptible to Russian propaganda. Yes, US government is terrible, they have done terrible things. But this doesn't mean that Russia is any better just because you don't have as much information about the terrible crimes Russia has committed in Caucasus etc. This is why you have to listen to the locals and have a little empathy for their terrible situation.

By Harold Chambers (@chambersharold8)

Last weekend, the head of Russia’s Chechen Republic teased his 2.4-million-person Telegram audience with a 98-second selfie video, where he pointed out that he’s now Russia’s longest-serving governor and remarked (not for the first time) that he’s “overstayed his welcome.” Ramzan Kadyrov soon walked back those comments, but the short clip occasioned another round of speculation about what might be next for Chechnya’s ruler. In a guest essay for Meduza, political and security analyst Harold Chambers explores what could become of the Kadyrov regime.

In a video shared late at night on September 3, the Putin-installed warlord of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov, supposedly announced his retirement as the republic’s governor. The clip instantly sparked an onslaught of incredulity and attempts to rationalize his surprise “indefinite vacation.” Three days later, Kadyrov reneged on his declaration, claiming he was simply gauging public opinion with his prior statement.

Kadyrov’s history of hinting at his own retirement demonstrates the unreliability of these pronouncements. He’s spoken about stepping down many times before, raising the issue in 2013, 2015, 2016, 2017, and 2019, and denying rumors in early 2020 — all while remaining in office.

Shortly after last Saturday’s video was posted, three different sources confirmed Kadyrov’s impending departure to journalists at Meduza and Vyorstka. These informants — reportedly close to the presidential administration, the Defense Ministry, and the Federation Council — explained that Chechnya’s long-time ruler would be transferring to the leadership of Rosgvardia (Russia’s National Guard) and eventually replacing Director Viktor Zolotov. Adam Delimkhanov, Kadyrov’s cousin currently serving as in the State Duma, would supposedly step in as the Chechen Republic’s acting head.

Considering the excellent sourcing of these outlets, it is clear which narrative appears more reliable and worth considering.

Kadyrov’s departure as governor would certainly be an unexpected consequence of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Realistically, the end of his tenure is several years away at the earliest, when his eldest son could be ready to take his place.

This personnel shift would have several implications, reverberating through Russia’s political establishment, threatening the Rosgvardia’s organizational cohesiveness, and accelerating the bureaucratic transition in Chechnya.

If Kadyrov is ever promoted to federal office, it would suggest Putin’s dissatisfaction with his top elites. The Russian president’s close, frequently characterized as paternal, relationship with the Chechen warlord exceeds his trust in other senior Kremlin officials. This has previously been evident in the broad autonomy given to Kadyrov at others’ expense. The closeness of the Kadyrov–Putin relationship, and Kadyrov’s resulting brazenness, has alienated the Chechen leader from others in the ruling class.

Russia’s renewed invasion in February, however, allowed Kadyrov’s administration to launder its reputation among federal politicians. Duma members and presidential officials now commend the actions of Chechnya’s leadership. This improved reception of Chechen officials has likely been forced, with the order coming from the very top. Whether and how such a reaction can be sustained under increased interaction is questionable, as Kadyrov and his subordinates have never been popular nationally. This dislike is even stronger in Russia’s security services.

Inside Russia’s National guard, the kadyrovtsy (forces loyal to Ramzan Kadyrov, mostly national guardsmen) are an explosive element; expanding their involvement (in senior positions no less) would risk destabilizing the entire organization. Though Kadyrov was promoted to the rank of Rosgvardia lieutenant-general while his forces struggled to take the Azovstal metallurgy plant in Mariupol, he’s widely viewed as never having been a real commander — a reality symbolically reflected in his Prada combat boots.

Inserting Kadyrov into the National Guard’s leadership would also give him an opportunity at last to co-opt many of the senior security officials who have opposed him since he replaced Alu Alkhanov as Chechnya’s president in 2007. Much of this bad blood goes back even further to the Second Chechen War, when federal security officials served as patrons for the different Chechen warlords allied with Russia. By eliminating the other paramilitary leaders, Kadyrov alienated their patrons.

Today, adversaries in the federal security agencies pose the greatest danger to Kadyrov’s survival in a post-Putin Russia, making it vital for him to neutralize this threat. 

Hi everyone, we're pleased to announce that we will be holding a fundraiser on 3rd July in support of the UNHCR, who provide vital aid to refugees such as those forced out of Ukraine by the ongoing invasion. The event will be a screening of the 2020 documentary 'Welcome to Chechnya' which follows a group of activists who risk their lives to save LGBTQ+ people in Chechnya from persecution, and we will also be holding a decompression space afterwards to discuss the documentary. The event will be hosted online via our Discord server, please DM us if you would like an invite link. The screening will be free for members to attend and we will be setting up a Just Giving page where we encourage you to donate any amount you can to the UNHCR. We look forward to seeing you for what is likely our final event this academic year! A content warning list for the film is available here: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1EFLZimuXfobRpGLuyrVXeb15ZsGOB-0QiRpVGicqUPA/edit?usp=sharing

Non-Exclusionist Exclusionist Discourse Incoming:

When you grow up in an area where people call you names on the street because they think you’re a gay man and they think openly gay people should be afraid, and then you move to a part of the world where not only does that not happen, there’s a bunch of “welcome! trying to figure out if you’re queer? Here’s some stuff to try!”

Then you get this weird experience where the people you meet who are gay are

well-

They’re well-adjusted about it. They experiment comfortably and without shame. They say, “guess I wasn’t that gay, he in particular was just hot”

and they_mean_ that.

They don’t mean what people who said that back home meant, which was many things, but often “I gave up, it’s too hard, I’m going to go into hiding again and pretend this never happened, pretend you never happened.”

There’s enough, just barely, of us for us to have cultures, and enough of us to have culture shock.

“I don’t know if I’m really queer tee hee” just… is not a thing, in the places where it is dangerous to be queer. You either know because you’re suffering, or you wonder in silence. So someone saying they aren’t sure is _bizarre_. And you suffer for your queerness, so bizarre things are scary, and possibly dangerous.

If you both say you’re gay, you’ve got mutually assured destruction. If one of you hedges… maybe they rat you out, laugh at parties “oh my god I totally tricked the fag!!”- in the right places in the world, they get you arrested, they get you fucking killed.

So, no, if I’m running a queer solidarity group in Seattle, I’m not going to exclude people based on how specific they’re willing to be about themselves.

If I’m running a queer solidarity group in Chechnya, I’m gonna picky as hell who I let in off the street because the stakes are different.

Welcome to Chechnya (2020)

107 min.

Country: USA

Genre: Documentary

Language: English, Russian, Chechen (stream with English subtitles)

This searing investigative work shadows a group of activists risking unimaginable peril to confront the ongoing anti-LGBTQ program raging in the repressive and closed Russian republic. Unfettered access and a remarkable approach to protecting anonymity exposes this under-reported atrocity–and an extraordinary group of people confronting evil.

Watch on HBO

Dance Team Forced From Seattle Show Because Uniforms Were Offensive—They Depicted the American Flag

On Tuesday, I reported on the Seattle-area 11-year-old girl who wasn’t allowed to form a faith group even though her school welcomed a Pride group, a “Green” team, and many other clubs.

At This WA School, You Can Have a Pride Club, a Green Team—Just Not a Faith Group

Is it something in the water that turns so many residents of Washington into America-hating, left-wing zealots? The Evergreen State is once again in the news as the Borderline Dance Team was forced out of the Emerald City Hoedown in Seattle Saturday, not because their act was profane, not because they broke the rules—but because their uniforms depicted the American flag. Evidently, the symbol of our country is too much for these wokesters.

I’m guessing there wouldn’t have been a problem if the team wore Palestinian flags.

The women’s country line dance team posted to social media about their experience of being openly discriminated against:

"Unfortunately, what our team was met with upon arrival was that our flag tops were offensive to some of the convention goers," the post read. "There was a small group that felt ‘triggered and unsafe.'"

The post continued and explained the ridiculous series of events:

At first we were told we would just be boo’d, yelled at and likely many of them would walk out. This did not deter us. But then we were given an ultimatum. Remove the flag tops and perform in either street clothes (which most didn’t bring as they traveled there in their uniforms) or they would supply us with ECH shirts from years past… Or, don’t perform at all, which effectively was asking us to leave. We don’t speak for our team, we speak on behalf of them so the choice was theirs. As we knew would happen because there really was no choice in our minds, it was a unanimous NO.

Co-captain Lindsay Stamp appeared on the Seattle-based Jason Rantz radio show and said it was just a small group of snowflakes who succeeded in getting them banned and that they brought up the Israel-Hamas war and transgender issues. But the team doesn’t even promote political messages other than that they love our country.

Stamp told Rantz that members of the team were shocked after they spent only 30 minutes at the venue before they started receiving complaints, adding that the team is patriotic, but doesn't make statements about politics. "My team doesn’t take a political stance. We came to dance," she said. "We’re a patriotic group. We support our military, our veterans, our first responders. We’re a group of patriots."

Showing that this was not an isolated incident, another team—the West Coast Country Heat—was also forced out of the event because they too wore colors representing our union. The two teams banded together to defy the edicts and refused to appear, which Borderline said was “the greatest performance."

It’s amazing to me that patriotism is now controversial and a dirty word to some. Everything they’re able to say, everything they’re able to do, is because we live in the freest nation on earth. You think they’d allow this dance exhibition to be shown in Chechnya? Nope:

Chechnya Bans Fun: Music That Is 'Too Fast or Too Slow' Barred From Play 

Think you could complain about the treatment of the LGBTQ “community” in Uganda? Nope:

Uganda's Constitutional Court Upholds Anti-Gay Law That Includes the Death Penalty

I often want to say to “activists” like these: you don’t like it? There are 194 other countries you could be living in—how ‘bout you go apartment hunting in one of them, and those of us who love America will stay put and keep an eye on things.  

Just do us all a favor and don’t come back.

Candid Photography Skills Information Over 30 years Greg has developed a system for delivering great pictures in any scenario. The system is quick, simple and can be learned by anyone. What is it, and who is it for? An easy system for shooting great pictures with your phone or camera. It’s for anyone who is interested in quickly and dramatically improving their photography. Where does it happen? It’s an online program that consists of training videos (with subtitles in Spanish, Portuguese, Russian, French and Italian), homework and practical examples. How does it work? Watch the lessons and do the homework. Follow the process and you will very quickly see dramatic improvements in your pictures. Do I need a camera? This program shows that you don’t need professional or special equipment. Greg’s system can be applied to shoot great pictures on any smartphone or camera. What You’ll Learn In This Course? Welcome Greg Williams’ photographic career has taken him from war zones, to the North Pole, to becoming one of the most trusted insiders in Hollywood. Working with subjects Greg talks in detail about how to get the best out of your subject, drawing on tactics and skills he’s learned throughout his extensive career. Light Greg teaches you how to ‘read’ the light in any location, and teaches you the fundamentals of lighting in a way that can be easily, and practically applied. Exposure Greg explains the importance of having control over your exposure. He covers the fundamentals and looks at the situations where you should override auto‑exposure. Environment Greg discusses finding a photograph in any environment, and the advantages of working quickly. Composition Greg covers the fundamentals of composition and when to break the rules. He talks the rule of thirds, perspective and vanishing points and how to draw the eye to your focal point. Focus Greg deals with both technical and creative focusing. He talks about how to tell stories using focus when taking the picture and when editing. Editing Greg discusses the importance of authenticity, believability and imperfection when editing and explains how his candid photographic style guides his edit process. Storytelling The moment where everything that you’ve learned comes together and you can tell your stories in individual frames. Greg breaks down some of his favourite photos from the archive, and looks at the craft of storytelling in each case. About Author Greg Williams is one of the most trusted and acclaimed photographers in entertainment—his name and candid portraiture synonymous with authentic glamour. Greg established his reportage style as a photojournalist in the ‘90s—covering war zones in Burma, Chechnya and Sierra Leone. An assignment for the Sunday Times Magazine gave Greg his first access to the film industry and he has now shot ‘specials’ on over 200 movies, including four poster campaigns for the Bond franchise. Greg has also enjoyed exclusive access to BAFTA, the Golden Globes and the Oscars and is a regular contributor to Vanity Fair and British Vogue. In addition to his prodigious photographic output, Greg is also a filmmaker, principally with his first person, ‘moving reportage’ documentaries, and a product designer—Greg’s limited edition Leica Q2, in partnership with Daniel Craig, is Leica’s fastest selling large scale edition. His education platform Skills Faster, is home to his highly successful Candid Photography Course, with the intention of ‘democratising good photography’. After 30 years in the business Greg’s talent and brand relationships are second to none. He publishes exclusives to over 1M followers on Instagram and on gregwilliams.com where he also sells his products and prints. Greg Williams Photography operates from Greg’s studio/ gallery space in Mayfair, London. More courses from the same author: Greg Williams

I just saw "Welcome to Chechnya" about the anti-gay purges in Chechnya. Absolutely harrowing. I feel sick. No words

The top five films from the 1st film to the 25th film I saw

#1: Paris, 13th District (2021) (Japanese title: “パリ13区”) (10 out of 10)

#2: Apples (2020) (Japanese title: “林檎とポラロイド”) (10 out of 10) #3: Welcome to Chechnya (2020) (Japanese title: “チェチェンへようこそ”) (10 out of 10)

#4: The Duke (2020) (Japanese title: “ゴヤの名画と優しい泥棒”) (10 out of 10)

#5: Easter Parade (1948) (Japanese title: “イースター・パレード”) (9 out of 10)

Sorry, I can't wish you a happy New Year's Eve!

The last days of 2022 have arrived, another year has passed by.

After an almost hopeless battle against a pandemic and the restrictions it placed on each of us in the previous years, we entered 2022 with great hope and optimism as we could foresee that those restrictions would soon be over and COVID-19 would become a manageable infectious disease. I was able to travel to Thailand again after two years, had already been vaccinated for the third time in January and the mandatory working from home was relaxed. It looked like 2022 would be a year full of prosperity, happiness and dreams for the future. You could sense hope and optimism everywhere in society.

However, on February 24th, that hope and optimism were dashed to the ground by the air raid sirens in many Ukrainian cities. On that day, the Russian dictator Vladimir Putin launched a senseless and barbaric invasion of Ukraine. Women were raped, ordinary citizens tortured and killed, Ukrainian children and civilians were deported to filtration camps in Russia, and the elderly died of deprivation. The “never again”-cruelties, are committed again in Europe.

I would never have dared to think that Russia was committing war crimes and crimes against humanity on a such a massive scale. Like many Westerners, I was naive. I had the hope that Russia was a country that would develop into a liberal democracy through international cooperation. However, this was a dream that will never come true.

We could have foreseen this. For years, Putin's kleptocracy has become increasingly tangible and human rights have been increasingly restricted. Apparently we lived as if we were blind. Why didn't we react to the atrocities Putin committed in Chechnya, Georgia and Syria? Why did we continue to put our trust in cooperation and diplomacy with a war criminal? Why were there so weak and meaningless sanctions when Putin tried to annex Crimea and Donbas in 2014?

Fortunately, in 2022 the free world responded immediately and unanimously. The invasion was condemned by almost all countries in the world. Unprecedented humanitarian and military support was provided to Ukraine. Ukraine was granted EU candidate status within months. Ukrainian refugees were warmly welcomed in the EU.

Sanctions were also imposed on Russia. However, it annoyed me immensely how limited and ineffective the imposed sanctions were. The trade in diamonds and raw materials for luxury goods by which Russia finances this war, continues. I remain convinced that if we had immediately imposed a total embargo on all trade with Russia, the war would have ended by now. You don't stop a war criminal and dictator with half-hearted measures, he only bends when he sees no other way out. In the short term that would have been painful for the European economy. In the longer term however this would have made the European Union a much more powerful geopolitical player and perhaps these sanctions could have been lifted by now. Fortunately, after ten months of war, we are no longer dependent on a mafia state for our energy supply.

However, in all this geopolitical activity there is too little attention for the wishes of the Ukrainian people themselves. Ukrainians experienced the barbarity of the Russians. They still remember how they were oppressed by the Russians until their independence. The population no longer wants a new Russian occupation or domination, but wants to develop the country to a Western, democratic and liberal society. The Maidan revolution has proven that, but even more so the way in which Ukraine, even during the war, adapts its laws and policies in order to join the European Union.

And yet Russia's genocide in Ukraine continues today, also on New Year’s Eve. Children, women, men and the elderly are dying every day by the Russian war crimes. Russia is depriving the Ukrainians of all possible vital services such as electricity, water and heating. Innocent civilians have to survive in bomb shelters in temperatures well below zero. On TikTok I recently saw a 30 second video of a Ukrainian boy saying: "I need you to stay with me, because next time I don't know if I am still alive".

Peace in Europe is only possible if Russia stops this war and is prepared to bear the consequences for what it did. That means a complete withdrawal of the Russians from Ukraine, including Crimea and Donbas. A trial for all persons who have committed or were responsible for war crimes or crimes against humanity, including the current Russian president and his entourage. Compensation for all the war damage Russia caused in Ukraine. And guarantees that Russia will reform itself into a democratic constitutional state and is prepared to further reduce its nuclear military installations.

It is clear that Russia has little or no support for its bloodthirsty war crimes in Ukraine, which are still going on today. Only countries like North Korea and Iran are still on Russia's side. And at the end of 2022, I also have to draw attention to the situation in Iran. I am moved to tears when I see yet another report about a young man in his 20s being hanged for nonviolently expressing his displeasure about how women's rights are being restricted in Iran. Or the article in the news of a girl who is sentenced to forty strokes because she would not have worn her headscarf properly. I always thought that hanging or torturing people was something from the Middle Ages. How can this still exist at the start of 2023?

I can therefore not wish you a happy end-of-year celebrations this year, because there is really nothing to celebrate!

Celebrating New Year's Eve, however cozy, seems very inappropriate to me when we know that at the same time people in Ukraine have to survive in the freezing cold and women and children are being raped by Russians. Celebrating New Year's Eve with fireworks is decadent if we know that women and men are executed at the same time in Iran for peacefully defending women's rights. I cannot drink champagne on New Year's Eve when I know that at the same time the junta in Myanmar has killed innocent civilians again or when I realize that the Taliban in Afghanistan forces girls and women to stay at home for life, deprived of any form of education and future prospects.

I can, however, hope for a better 2023 and wish you the same. Not only, I would like to wish you a healthy, happy and prosperous year for you and all the people who are dear to you, but above all I express my hope that in 2023 we all work together with all possible means and more than we have done so far, for a just peace in Ukraine and a prosperous future for the citizens of that country, for respect for the human rights of women in Iran and Afghanistan and for peace, freedom and justice for all people who still have to live today in countries with dictatorial regime.

May 2023 be a better year than 2022. May not war crimes and crimes against humanity, suffering, deprivation and oppression or genocide and human rights violations be the headlines in the news in 2023. May peace, respect, justice, solidarity and a sustainable future become the driving force for every human being who believes that together we can transform this world into a place in which every human being can live happily.

 Vital E.H. Moors

On October 18, Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada passed a resolution declaring “the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria” to be “temporarily occupied by the Russian Federation.” In addition to highlighting Moscow's history of using military force to impose its will, the symbolic move served as an acknowledgement of the role Chechen separatist fighters have played in opposing Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. It’s no surprise that Ukrainians and Chechen independence advocates have found common cause; their histories have many parallels. Almost three decades ago, however, when Russia deployed troops in Chechnya and launched the First Chechen War, the Chechen independence movement received rhetorical support from what now seems a far less likely source: Tatarstan. Journalists from Idel.Realii, a division of the U.S. state media outlet Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, recently dove into archives from that period, finding documents that offer a glimpse of a bygone era in which Russian politicians openly expressed disagreement with the Kremlin, Tatarstan was protective of its autonomy, and Russia’s transformation into “a voluntary union of equal nations” was seen as inevitable.

In November 1994, three years after the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria declared independence, the Russian authorities launched a covert campaign to take control of Grozny. The operation, which involved arming the Chechen opposition, was a failure; nonetheless, commenting in the aftermath, Russia’s defense minister at the time, Pavel Grachev, claimed he could capture the city in just two hours with a single airborne regiment. Weeks later, on December 9, Boris Yeltsov signed the decree launching the First Chechen War.

That same day, the Presidium of Tatarstan’s Supreme Soviet published an appeal to the federal government in the newspaper Izvestia Tatarstana. Viewed from 2022, its contents are something to behold:

The ill-considered actions of the leadership of the Russian Federation, primarily its security forces, on the current political realities in Chechnya have brought the entire North Caucasus region to the verge of wide-scale civil war. The natural process of recognizing equal rights for various peoples, which has become a trend of historical development worldwide, is inevitable for the Russian Federation, as well. Only realizing this and managing this process in a civilized way will allow Russia to maintain sovereignty. A voluntary union of equal nations — this is the basis for the Russian Federation’s revival and democratic future.

Earlier that year, in February, Tatarstan had agreed to remain part of Russia in exchange for a “special status” under which it would share power with Moscow and enjoy more autonomy than Russia’s other constituent regions. (Later, beginning with Vladimir Putin’s rise to power in 2000, Tatarstan’s autonomy would slowly erode, until 2017, when it lost its “special status” entirely.) Tatarstan’s president, Mintimer Shaimiev, was thus taken aback when the federal authorities didn’t even warn him about their plans to invade Chechnya — and he had no qualms about publicly condemning Moscow’s actions:

Moscow tried to eliminate [first President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria Dzhokhar] Dudaev’s regime with the help of an opposition that was artificially created and armed by [Russia] itself, so that they could subsequently negotiate with a different government. In addition, Russia essentially contributed to the creation of armed formations loyal to Dudaev, welcoming his rise to power at one time and leaving weapons and military vehicles from withdrawn army units in the republic.

A week into the war, on December 16, 1994, Izvestiya Tatarstana published an article titled “The Kazan Echo of the Caucasian Mountains,” analyzing the situation in Chechnya through the lens of the “parade of sovereignties” — the declarations of independence by the USSR’s constituent republics after the Soviet collapse — and the recent agreement between Tatarstan and Russia:

The events in Chechnya confirmed many political scientists’ predictions: the “parade of sovereignties” is bound to end on a tragic note. Tatarstan, it seems, predicted all of this, which is why it considered it prudent to sign a bilateral agreement with Russia. Of course, the majority of organizations [advocating for Tatarstan’s independence] were not thrilled by this middle-ground solution to the problem: they will keep [the prospect of] the republic’s independence “in the back of their minds” in any circumstances. All of this has been made clear by [the Tatar response to] the Kremlin’s “showdown” with Chechnya.

The article went on to explain that a pro-Chechnya protest rally was held in central Kazan on December 14. A resolution released by its participants condemned “Russia’s imperial aspirations in the Caucasus” and demanded that Moscow withdraw its troops and stop “waging a new colonial war.”

One of the first officials to speak out against the war was Oleg Morozov, a State Duma deputy from Tatarstan. In December 1994, he and his colleagues wrote that “Russia’s [territorial] integrity must be defended not with military force but with convincing arguments that guarantee economic and political […] development to each subject of the Federation as part of a single federative state.”

Decades later, Morozov is still in politics. In fact, he’s still a member of Russia’s parliament. These days, however, he’s a reliable supporter of the federal government, including Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. During a TV interview in May, for example, Morozov suggested Russia abduct a NATO defense minister and bring the prisoner to Moscow for questioning.

On December 23, 1994, Izvestia Tatarstana released an interview with Tatarstan President Mintimer Shaimiev in which he offered to become a mediator between Chechnya and Russia, insisting that “the bloodshed must be stopped.” The president noted that the international community had lauded “Tatarstan’s model” as a constructive approach to resolving interstate conflict situations.

Discord and estrangement, even in a single family, negatively affect the lives of everybody involved. And [in this case, we’re dealing with] republics, whole nations. In the interest of avoiding the negative consequences of this crisis, which could poison the lives of many generations of people from both republics and beyond, I call on the leaders of the Russian Federation and the Chechen Republic to exercise political wisdom and bring the confrontation to an end, to find a mutually acceptable formula to solve this acute conflict situation."

On April 21, 1996, Dzhokhar Dudayev was killed by a missile strike during a phone conversation with State Duma deputy Konstantin Borov. It was the Russian authorities’ fourth attempt to kill him.

In July 1996, after his dismal approval ratings rebounded slightly following a public acknowledgement that deploying troops to Chechnya had been a mistake, Boris Yeltsin won another presidential term. The next month, Chechen forces successfully conducted a “jihad” operation and took control of the cities of Grozny, Argun, and Gudermes.

On August 31, Russia and Chechnya signed a peace treaty. Russia agreed to withdraw federal troops from Chechnya, while talks about the breakaway region’s status were postponed until December 31, 2001. By official counts, Russia had lost 5,732 soldiers, though the Soldiers’ Mothers Committee reported 14,000 dead and missing. The Chechen Republic of Ichkeria said it had lost about 3,000 soldiers, while Russia claimed to have killed “17,391 separatists.” Human rights observers at the Memorial Foundation reported 2,700 Chechen soldiers killed. The total number of civilian casualties is unknown; estimates have ranged from 30,000 to 120,000 people.

Three years later, the Second Chechen War began when Chechen rebels crossed into Dagestan, prompting Vladimir Putin, then serving as Russia’s prime minister, to send troops into Chechnya and order airstrikes against its capital.