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cabreraarchive · 3 years

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Indigenous Nuevo León

The original inhabitants of the State of Nuevo León before the arrival of the Spaniards were nomadic hunters and gatherers. In general, the Spaniards at first called all inhabitants in the north frontier of Mexico by the generic term, Chichimecas. But these indigenous people actually consisted of several indigenous linguistic groups. In Nuevo León, they included the Alazapas in the north, the Guachichiles in the south, the Borrados and Tamaulipec groups in the east, and Coahuiltecans in the west.

The map shows the approximate territories of the four primary indigenous groups at the time of the Spanish contact

The Coahuiltecan Tribes

The Coahuiltecan tribes were made up of hundreds of autonomous bands of hunter-gatherers who ranged over the eastern part of Coahuila, northern Tamaulipas, western Nuevo León and southern Texas south and west of San Antonio River and Cibolo Creek. It was the practice of the Coahuiltecans to move from one traditional campsite to another, following the seasons and herds of migrating animals.

Classification of the Coahuiltecans

Initially, the Spaniards had little interest in describing the natives or classifying the Coahuiltecans into ethnic units. There was no obvious basis for classification, and major cultural contrasts and tribal organizations went unnoticed, as did similarities and differences in the native languages and dialects. The Spanish padres referred to each Indian group as a nación, and described them according to their association with major terrain features or with Spanish jurisdictional units. Only in Nuevo León did observers link Indian populations by cultural peculiarities, such as hairstyle and body decoration. Thus, modern scholars have found it difficult to identify these hunting and gathering groups by language and culture.

Eventually, many of the ethnohistorians and anthropologists came to believe that the entire region was occupied by numerous small Indian groups who spoke related languages and shared the same basic culture, the Coahuiltecan culture. By the mid-nineteenth century, Mexican linguists had constructed what is now known as “Coahuiltecan culture” by assembling bits of specific and generalized information recorded by Spaniards for widely scattered and limited parts of the region.

During the Spanish colonial period, most of the Coahuilatecan natives were displaced from their traditional territories by Spaniards advancing from the south and Apaches advancing from the north. A large number of the small tribal groups or bands belonging to the Coahuiltecan stock remain unknown to this day and even their locations – in some cases – are not clear.

Tamaulipecan Groups

The Tamaulipas groups included some sedentary peoples who were dedicated to agriculture, with well-structured religious practices. The Tamaulipec groups were mainly small tribes that occupied the central and southeastern parts of the present-day state. Today, it is believed that the so-called Tamaulipecan family was related to and perhaps a subset of the Coahuiltecans. Through their Coahuiltecan ties, it is believed that the Tamaulipecos were part of the Hokan language group, but very few fragments of their languages survive today.

Guachichiles (Huachichiles)

The Guachichiles, of all the Chichimeca Indians, occupied the most extensive territory, extending some 100,000 square kilometers from Lake Chapala (Jalisco) in the south to Saltillo (Coahuila) in the north. Considered both warlike and brave, the Guachichiles roamed through a large section of the present-day state of Zacatecas and as far north as Coahuila and Nuevo León. The Aztecs used the term “Guachichile” as a reference to “heads painted of red,” a reference to the red dye that they used to paint their bodies, faces and hair. The Guachichil group of tribes is regarded as connected with the present-day Huichol language group (of Jalisco and Nayarit) and has been classified as part of the Aztecoidan division of the Uto-Aztecan linguistic family.

The Guachichiles and their “Chichimeca” cousins, the Zacatecos, waged the 40-year war (1550-1590) known as the “Chichimeca War” against Spanish forces, primarily in the vast region south of Coahuila (Zacatecas, Northern Jalisco, Aguascalientes, Western San Luis Potosí and Guanajuato). They were never decisively defeated in battle, but were pacified through gifts that included many of the materials used by Spaniards and “civilized” Indians to live and thrive in their Spanish settlements.

Alazapas

The Alazapas are a Coahuiltecan group that lived in several present-day municipios of Nuevo León, including San Nicolas de los Garza, which is just five miles from Monterrey. Between 1637 and 1647, the Alazapas attacked the Spaniards in several areas near Monterrey, including the mines at Cerralvo and several small settlements. Although the Alazapas contained the Spanish expansion into the area for ninety years, eventually they were forced to move north to the area around Lampazos.Lampazos is close to the present-day boundary between Nuevo León with Coahuila.

Borrados

The Spaniards applied the name Borrados to several, widely distributed groups over a period of two centuries. In the sixteenth century, one of the Borrado tribes lived in the Monterrey-Cadereyta-Cerralvo area of Nuevo Leon, as well as adjacent areas of Tamaulipas. The Borrados were also known as Rayados (“Stripped Ones”). The name derived from the almost universal habit among these Indians of covering their faces with tattoos which the aborigines produced by opening a trace-work of cuts on the skin with a sharpened stone, then rubbing into charcoal. The resulting design distinguished members of one tribe from members of other tribes.

Catujanes

The Catujanes Indians lived in the Mesa of the Catujanes and in the area of Lampazos de Naranjo, which is a present-day city and municipio located in northwestern Nuevo León, 97 miles (156 km) north of Monterrey.

Gualeguas

The Gualeguas Indians lived in the region of Agualeguas, a city and a municipio located in the northeastern Nuevo León, 80 miles (128 km) northeast of Monterrey. The name “Agualeguas” honors the first known inhabitants of the region, the Gualegua tribe.

Cacalote Indians

Cacalote (“crow” or “raven”) is the name of an Indian groups that lived south of the Rio Grande in Nuevo León and Tamaulipas in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Cacalotes were believed to have been a Coahuiltecan group.

Pajarito Indians

Pajarito, which is Spanish for “little bird,” was the name of a Coahuiltecan band that originally inhabited northeastern Nuevo León, but later migrated northwestward to the north bank of the Rio Grande above the site of present-day Laredo. Eventually most of the Pajarito Indians ended up along the lower Rio Grande near the coast, principally in northern Tamaulipas.

Tortugas

The Tortugas (“Tortoises”) are believed to have lived on the upper tributaries of the Rio San Juan in eastern Nuevo Leon. However, the Tortugas may also have been referred to as Pelón or Pelones (“bald” or “hairless”) because the males removed their head hair in a number of ways, but several unrelated Indian groups of Nuevo Leon were also known by the Spaniards as Pelones. The Tortugas were first recorded in eastern Nuevo Leon in 1716-1717 as one of several rebellious groups that settled at Mission Purificación in the Pilón Valley near Montemorelos. The Spaniards considered the Tortugas to be very troublesome because of their far-reaching raids, as far south as Montemorelos, as far west as Cadereyta and as far north as Cerralvo. From the 1740s to the 1760s they were recorded at various missions in eastern Nuevo Leon, but their ethnic identity was lost in the nineteenth century.

Carrizos

Carrizos (Spanish for “canes” or “reeds”) is a descriptive name that was applied after 1700 to several widely distributed Indian groups of both northeastern Mexico and Texas. Apparently, Indians of this name lived in houses whose frames were covered by canes or reeds. The western Carrizos were reported in various locations, including Mission Nuestra de los Dolores de la Punta de Lampazos (near modern Lampazos). It is believed that they may also have inhabited Starr and Zapata counties of present-day Texas. And in 1735, it was reported that they were one of several Indian groups who had attacked the Spanish settlement at Cerralvo during the preceding 20 years.

Although they continued to conduct raids in Nuevo Leon over a period of decades, the Carrizos appear to have allied themselves with the Spaniards from 1790 to 1792 against the Mescalero and Lipan Apaches. During the early 18th Century, the Carrizos were known to be in the region of Laredo, Texas and east of Lampazos, Nuevo Leon.

Zalayas

In 1688, Zalayas were mentioned in connection with the Convent of San Francisco of Cerralvo, and it’s likely that they lived in the Cerralvo area. In 1735, Zalayas reportedly were among the Indian groups that had been causing trouble at the Spanish village of Agualeguas, about 17 miles north of Cerralvo in northeastern Nuevo Leon.

Zacatiles

The Zacatiles lived near Cadereyta in west central Nuevo Leon. The word Zacatil appears to be related to zacate, a word of Náhuatl origin that the early Spaniards applied to several groups, including the Zacatecos Indians of Zacatecas. During the 1730s, there was considerable unrest among the surviving Indian groups of eastern Nuevo Leon, and some documents refer to the Zacatiles as being one of the indigenous groups that raided Spanish settlements as far north as Cerralvo and as far south as Montemorelos.

Native Groups Continuously at War

According to Omar Santiago Valerio-Jiménez, the various tribes of this area “were almost continuously at war with one another. Inter-tribal strife made it relatively easy, during the early stages of the conquest, for the Spaniards to master many of these small, mutually antagonistic tribes.” However, the natives who sought refuge in the Sierra Madre were harder to locate in their mountain refuges. The mountain strongholds served as a base of operations for raids on Spanish settlements and as refuge for natives who fled the mission settlements.

The natives of colonial Nuevo León were almost constantly on the move in their search for food. Although the region had a distinct dry season, many streams still flowed from the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre, and this led to the lush growth of vegetation in the foothills and coastal areas. In normal times, many of the tribes engaged in hunting and food gathering. They moved about in small groups and their rancherias usually consisted of one or two families, which rarely numbered more than eight or ten persons altogether. In times of war, these small nomadic communities would coalesce to form aggressive raiding parties.

The Establishment of Monterrey (1577)

In 1577, Alberto del Canto, a Portuguese immigrant, founded a settlement named Ojos de Santa Lucía, which was renamed San Luis in 1583 by Luis Carvajal y de la Cueva. However, it was abandoned and then re-founded as the City of Monterrey on September 20, 1596 along the Santa Catarina River. However, the hostility of the local natives, was so intense that Monterrey became an isolated stronghold standing in hostile territory.

Establishment of the Kingdom (1579)

On May 31, 1579, Luis Carvajal signed an agreement with King Felipe II of Spain to pacify the region and to establish the Kingdom of Nuevo León, which extended from the Pánuco River on the south and the Gulf of Mexico on the east, while its western sector extended well into the Sierra Madre Oriental. The northern border of the province ran roughly along the lower Río Grande.

Carvajal was both the first governor and encomendero of the area, but, according to historian Sean F. McEnroe, his “brief and unsuccessful conquests” were “motivated by the profits of slave raiding and mining” and “provoked fierce resistance from local populations.” This hostility, followed by his subsequent arrest leading to a power vacuum led Spain to abandon the area for some time.

Slavery in Nuevo León

As mentioned in the preceding paragraph, some of the Spaniards turned to Indian slavery for profits. In establishing the towns of Monterrey and Cerralvo, Spaniards captured Indians to sell as slaves for labor in the mines of Zacatecas. This cruelty provoked several results. In 1624, as an example, the local tribes assaulted the Monterrey and slaughtered the Franciscan missionaries living in the area. However, in his Ph.D. dissertation, Professor Rodolfo Fernández discussed the complexities of the local system, noting that some indigenous people also became slave owners.

The Encomienda System in Nuevo León

According to Professor Rodolfo Fernández, the encomienda system gave some Spaniards “the legal right to negotiate tribute in the form of labor from specific indigenous groups. The encomienda was the most widespread labor relation between Indians and Spaniards in northeastern New Spain.” In this system, the tribute-receiving soldier, known as an encomendero received a grant in the form of land, municipios or Indian labor. He was also obliged to provide military protection and a Christian education for the Indians under his command. The Indian laborers under his command were called encomendados.

Fernández notes that in the northern frontier area, “the structure of Indian communities was completely different since the native Chichimecas did not own a particular piece of land permanently, and they did not have the type of political elites that existed in Mesoamerican societies.”

In his Ph.D. Dissertation, Professor Fernández noted that Indians of the north “were not bound by ownership of land or coercive political systems. Encomendados could literally pick up their belongings and move beyond the encomendero’s reach, yet many of them chose to live and work in an encomendero’s commercial property. One reason why many Indians chose to stay with the Spanish was not because of coercion or control from imperial structures of power, but because they saw joining them as a way to find relief in times of scarcity, or protection in times of war.” Fernández also notes that many of the northern indigenous groups “viewed the encomienda as a temporary alliance to counter emerging threats. When Indian groups felt conditions under Spanish rule to be intolerable, they often escaped, joined other groups and in many extreme cases rebelled.”

The Decline of the Coahuiltecans

When the Spaniards arrived in Coahuila and Nuevo Leon, they settled into “choice locations” which led to strains on local food supplies and eventually led to displacement of many Coahuiltecan bands. Ruecking believed that this was “one of the fundamental reasons for the rapid missionization of the Coahuiltecans.” The Coahuiltecans in the missions had provided unskilled labor and engaged in intermarriage with other ethnic groups. As the missions closed in the 19th century, Indian families were given small parcels of mission land. Eventually, the survivors passed into the lower economic levels of Mexican society.

Missions as a Place of Refuge

Although the missions were established as a means of Christianizing the native people, they also became a vehicle for educating Indians in the ways of Spanish colonial living. But, with a more hostile environment on the outside, the missions also became a place of refuge. The former hunter-gatherers were willing to become part of the mission system for a number of reasons noted here:

The irrigation system promised a more stable supply of food than they normally enjoyed.

The presidio – frequently located close to a mission — offered much greater protection from the Apaches.

The missionaries and their lay helpers instructed the natives in the Catholic faith and in the elements of Spanish peasant society. The Indians learned various trades, including carpentry, masonry, blacksmithing, and weaving; they also did a great deal of agricultural work.

Mission Indian villages usually consisted of about 100 Indians of mixed groups who generally came from a wide area surrounding a mission. Although survivors of a group often entered a single mission, individuals and families of one ethnic group might scatter to five or six missions. The number of Indian bands (or groups) at each mission varied from fewer than twenty groups to as many as 100.

However, with so many people concentrated in a single area, the natives around the missions became more vulnerable to the diseases brought by Europeans. Because the missions had an agricultural base, the economic output of the mission declined when the Indian labor force dwindled. Missions were distributed unevenly. Some were in remote areas, while others were clustered, often two to five in number, in small areas.

Displacement and Loss of Ethnic Identity

In Coahuila, Nuevo León, Tamaulipas and Texas, the displacement of Coahuiltecans and other nomadic groups by the Spaniards and Apaches created an unusual ethnic mix. Inevitably, the numerous Spanish missions in the region would provide a refuge for the displaced and declining Indian populations.

As they lived in close contact with the Spanish colonial culture and learned agricultural techniques, most of the Coahuiltecan Indians lost their identity. Their names disappeared from the written record as epidemics, warfare, migration, dispersion by Spaniards to work at distant plantations and mines, high infant mortality, and general demoralization took their toll. Small remnants merged with larger remnants or were absorbed into the Apaches. By 1800 the names of few ethnic units appear in documents, and by 1900 the names of groups native to the region had disappeared. A large number of the small tribal groups or bands belonging to the Coahuiltecan stock remain unknown to this day and even their locations – in some cases – are not clear.

Political Chronology:

In 1582, Nuevo León was known as Nuevo Reino de León. From 1777 to 1793, Nuevo León was made part of the Provincias Internas. With the independence of Mexico in 1821, Nuevo León became a free and sovereign state by a decree of May 7, 1824. When the Constitution of 1857 took effect on February 5, 1847, Nuevo León was incorporated into Coahuila. On February 26, 1864, the state of Nuevo León was split from Coahuila.

The 1921 Census

In the unusual 1921 Mexican census, residents of each state were asked to classify themselves in several categories, including “indígena pura” (pure indigenous), “indígena mezclada con blanca” (indigenous mixed with white) and “blanca” (white). Out of a total state population of 336,412, only 17,276 persons (or 5.1%) claimed to be of pure indigenous background.

With only 5.1% of its people being recognized as of pure indigenous origin, Nuevo León boasted a large population of assimilated individuals, with 253,878 individuals – or 75.5% – being classified as mezclada (or mixed). However, nearly one-in-five of Nuevo León’s inhabitants – 64,697 (19.2%) – claimed to be white.

But Nuevo León’s long-term assimilation into the Spanish world was evident in the fact that only four people in the state spoke an indigenous language: two Huastecos, one Kikapoo and one Maya.

Migration from Other States

Over the next few decades, the number of persons who spoke indigenous languages in Nuevo León increased significantly in a unique reconfiguration of indigenous identity in Northern Mexico. From 787 individuals five years of age and older in 1970, Nuevo León witnessed an unprecedented increase to 15,446 speakers in 2000 and 40,237 in 2010. In fact, according to the Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (INEGI), Nuevo León was the Mexican entity with the highest rate of growth of indigenous population (12.5% per year) throughout the country as of 2005.

Indigenous Languages Spoken in Nuevo Leon in 2010 In 2010, a total of 40,258 indigenous speakers 3 years and older in Nuevo Leon lived in Nuevo León, of which more than half (53.6%) spoke the Náhuatl language, and 17% did not even specify which indigenous language they spoke.

While the speakers of the Otomí, Totonac and Huasteco languages most likely came from nearby states like Veracruz and San Luis Potosí, the Zapotec and Mixtec speakers probably came from the states of Oaxaca and Guerrero.

The 2010 census also reported the languages spoken within each municipio of each state. As indicated in the following table, Náhuatl — the most common language spoken in Mexico and the leading language in several states — is, by far, the most spoken indigenous language in Nuevo León. But, it is noteworthy that Náhuatl — and any other languages spoken in the state — are transplants from other states, due to Nuevo León’s position as a magnet for migration from a multitude of other states.

https://indigenousmexico.org/nuevo-leon/indigenous-nuevo-leon-land-of-the-coahuiltecans/

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sharpace · 3 months

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88. Strays

Connecting some dots with A New Beginning and Rio. If I'm not careful, this comic might become chronological.

Crank It Comics | Leave a tip! (Ko-Fi) | Twitter

#crank it #comics #jayvik #jayce talis #viktor arcane #rio the hairless #jk this will never be chronological #time will only be real in my cold dead hands

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straycatj · 4 years

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mr j my cat rio is mean and he keeps biting me could u talk some sense into him. he too was a stray cat

Hm... We have to learn there's a big gap between small cats and hairless big cats. I want hairless big cats know we sometimes bite others to show a kind of affection, but we also have to know hairless big cats are very easy to get pain.

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rushingheadlong · 4 years

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Okay, so I’ve vague-blogged about this a few times and I’ve had this discussion off tumblr or one-on-one with friends, but in the continuing adventures of “RushingHeadlong Is A Fucking Killjoy” let’s talk about Brian’s shoulder hair.

Specifically, let’s talk about the fact that Brian getting shoulder hair in the late 90s/early 2000s is not a Sudden And Weird Thing but is actually just… him aging like most cis men do???

First off, in case you don’t already know this, part of what contributes to body hair growth is due to prolonged exposure to testosterone. That’s why teenage boys who are just starting to go through puberty don’t grow a full mountain man beard overnight, and that’s why trans men who start T often find that their facial hair is one of the last changes to come in. It takes time for your body to respond to testosterone levels to produce excessive body hair, and that’s why it’s not uncommon to see older men who still have very hairy backs, arms, eyebrows, or ears even if they’re going bald. (And in case you’re curious, bald heads are caused by a testosterone derivative called DHT which only affects hair follicles on the scalp not on the back and shoulders.)

Given how little body hair Brian seems to have had when he was younger, I’m not surprised that it took him until his 50s for the first little wisps to really start showing up!

I’ve also seen some people say that Brian must have had some sort of spike in his T levels in the late 90s to account for the shoulder hair?? But honestly this is probably really unlikely. Generally speaking T levels will drop as men age, not increase:

“In some men, testosterone levels remain high throughout life, but in most they begin to decline at about age 40. Unlike the precipitous drop in hormones that women experience at menopause, however, the decline in men is gradual, averaging just over 1% a year. This drop is imperceptible at first, but by age 70, the average man's testosterone production is 30% below its peak.” [x]

The odds of Brian having some random “spike” when he reached 50 is incredibly small - like I can’t even give you a statistic on how unlikely it is, because there is little to no research into T levels spiking like that because most of the time when it happens it’s connected to steroid usage:

“Having too much naturally-occurring testosterone is not a common problem among men… In fact, most of what we know about abnormally high testosterone levels in men comes from athletes who use anabolic steroids, testosterone or related hormones to increase muscle mass and athletic performance.” [x]

The point being that Brian, in 1998, has had 51 years of exposure to testosterone and androgens in his body, resulting in a gradual increase in body hair due to that long-term exposure. This is normal. This is not some weird biological quirk unique to Brian, this is not some inexplicable weird mystery, this is not a sign of some Big Medical Crisis... This is just Brian, aging in a way that most men do!

But I also want to point out that we need to consider image quality and the close-ups we have available as well, because the fact is that even though the 80s and 90s gave us some tank top content the photos and videos were usually grainier or at least far enough away that wispy little hairs are going to be harder to see!

Take this screencap of Brian in Rio in 1985:

Is he perfectly, completely smooth or is he just wet and the faint hairs that are there aren’t visible?

Is Brian completely smooth and hairless in these photos? Maybe in the one from 1985 but I would argue that you can start to see some hair coming in by 1993 - it’s just much fainter than it would become later, which would make sense given all the biology I explained above.

Even here, compare these two photos from 1998 and 2005. Everyone talks about how Brian was “sooooo hairy!” in the late 90s but he honestly wasn’t. Yes, we’re starting to get much more visible hair, and yes that’s a departure from what we’ve seen before, but he is nowhere near as hairy as he would continue to become!

The point I’m trying to make is that, can we really say that Brian didn’t have a single hair on his shoulders before 1998? Or are we drawing that conclusion simply because the photo quality and lack of extreme close-ups are creating a confirmation bias issue here.

I don’t want to shit on the jokes that everyone cracks and I’m not saying that everyone has to adore Brian’s hairy shoulders... but it does get to be grating when people start speculating with a ton of theories that directly contradict or ignore cis male biology.

Brian got old, and like most older men he got hairy. I promise there’s no bigger mystery to solve here!

#long post //#text #ramblings #brian #I really hope this is me preaching to the choir and yall already know all of this but I mean #I don't.... know that that's the case...#and if it's not the case then hi yes here's a biological explanation for Brian's shoulder hair #godddddd I cannot believe this is what I'm blogging about now asdjfkladsjfklasj

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sothischickshe · 4 years

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#Pleased and vindicated to hear no love for ugly tennis outfit hahah dude from all the chattering i always assumed *I* was the weirdo outlier that hated the tennis outfit BUT THE SURVEY HAS VINDICATED ME! it's wildly unpopular! even the controversial nose ring has more love, haha.

Iniiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiit!

I mean maybe I'm biased cos I fucking hate tennis, and the causes of tennis. (like I'll go haaaard all day every day for Serena and Andy and Billie Jean etc, but I genuinely do think tennis represents all that is wrong with the world. Also, it's boring! I'm not a fucking kitten. Watching something bop back and forth again again again again again isn't interesting to me???)

But that tennis outfit is ugly as fucking sin!!!!!!!!!!

I don't really get what all the fuss about the nose stud is. What are you supposed to do when you go through a break up? Chop off, all your hair, yeah. Well how's rio supposed to do that? I mean we saw his whole hairless chest sitch last season (side note: is he a swimmer?? Swimming's cool), I don't think there's really much for him to turn to for hair removal options.

So ya, celebrate surviving someone putting a bunch of holes in you by adding a new hole to your face. Makes perf sense!!

#Nbc good girls #TV #Tennis is phenomenally unsexy #Clothes #Wardrobe #Allegedly

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alphaboiaustin · 6 years

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｡* ‧ ☾ ARTHUR NORY MARIANO — I swore I just saw AUSTIN VALENTINE walking down mainstreet. They’re a TWENTY-TWO year old ALPHA, that’s been living here for FIVE years. They just came from a TERRA pack meeting, and are a GENERAL MEMBER. You might catch them around working as THE OWNER AND MANAGER OF “HOWLING COMMANDO COMICS AND GAMES”, if you bump into them in a good mood they’re rather INTELLIGENT, but on a bad day you might notice they’re also COCKY. //

BASIC INFORMATION;

Name: Austin Valentine

Nicknames: “The Littlest Alpha”

Age: 24

Secondary Gender: Alpha

Birthday: July 12

Zodiac: Cancer

Ethnicity: Brazilian-Japanese

Nationality: Dual Citizenship; America and Brazil

Birth Place: Rio De Janeiro

Education: Bachelor’s Degree in Literature

Occupation: Comic and Game store owner

APPEARANCE;

Height: 5′6″

Weight: 180 lbs

Build: Muscular

Hair Color: Black

Eye Color: Brown

Tattoos: None

Piercings: None

Shaved/Trimmed/Natural: Naturally hairless

Dick Size: 10″

Wolf Color: White with grey markings

Wolf Size/Build: Large

SEX;

Kinks: Cumplay, breeding, bondage, intimacy, extended sessions, Body worship, roleplay

Anti-Kinks: Vomit, scat, blood/pain play

Favourite Positions: Anything where he can see his partner’s face

Safeword: Quetzalcoatl

HISTORY;

Born in Rio De Janeiro.

Moved to America for college.

Has dual citizenship.

Comes from money, and doesn’t need to work, but does it anyway.

#vilkas:task #vilkas:intro #vilkas:task01

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kingryosukuna-archived · 2 years

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MEET THE PRESIDENT OF RS™ ENTERPRISES

Name: Rio Sukuna

Sex: Female

Breed: Canadian hairless or sphynx cat

Age: 3 years old

Height: 8 inches (20.32 cm)

Likes: Warm blankets and sweaters, treats, salmon, cuddling with daddy on rainy days, kisses, gentle pets, new toys, Team RS, Assistant K., lounging on the bed all day, naps, my ears played with

Dislikes: When daddy cleans my ears and paws, bath day (in winter mostly), very hot days, birds, rough handling, having my tail touched

#[rio sukuna]

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longliverockback · 6 years

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Steve Hackett Broken Skies Outspread Wings [Box Set] 2018 InsideOut Music ————————————————— Tracks CD One: Til We Have Faces 01. Duel 02. Matilda Smith-Williams Home for the Aged 03. Let Me Count the Ways 04. A Doll that’s Made in Japan 05. Myopia 06. What’s My Name 07. The Rio Connection 08. Taking the Easy Way Out 09. When You Wish upon a Star

Tracks CD Two: Feedback 86 01. Cassandra 02. Prizefighters 03. Slot Machine 04. Stadiums of the Damned 05. Don’t Fall 06. Oh How I Love You 07. Notre Dame Des Fleurs 08. The Gulf 09. When the Heart Rules the Mind 2018

Tracks CD Three: Guitar Noir 01. Sierra Quemada 02. Take These Pearls 03. There Are Many Sides to the Night 04. In the Heart of the City 05. Dark as the Grave 06. Lost in Your Eyes 07. Little America 08. Like an Arrow 09. Theatre of Sleep 10. Walking Away from Rainbows 11. Paint Your Picture 12. Vampyre with a Healthy Appetite 13. Tristesse 14. Sierra Quemada [demo] 15. Take These Pearls [rough mix] 16. In the Heart of the City [original version] 17. Vampyre with a Healthy Appetite [demo]

Tracks CD Four: Darktown 01. Omega Metallicus 02. Darktown 03. Man Overboard 04. The Golden Age of Steam 05. Days of Long Ago 06. Dreaming with Open Eyes 07. Twice around the Sun 08. Rise Again 09. Jane Austen’s Door 10. Darktown Riot 11. In Memoriam 12. Flame 13. Comin’ Home to the Blues 14. Fast Flower

Tracks CD Five: To Watch the Storms 01. Strutton Ground 02. Circus of Becoming 03. The Devil Is an Englishman 04. Frozen Statues 05. Mechanical Bride 06. Wind, Sand and Stars 07. Brand New 08. This World 09. Rebecca 10. The Silk Road 11. Pollution B 12. Fire Island 13. Marijuana Assassin of Youth 14. Come Away 15. The Moon under Water 16. Serpentine Song 17. Reconditioned Nightmare 18. If You Only Knew

Tracks CD Six: Wild Orchids 01. Transylvanian Express 02. Waters of the Wild 03. Set Your Compass 04. Down Street 05. A Girl Called Linda 06. Blue Child 07. To a Close 08. Ego and Id 09. Man in the Long Black Coat 10. Cedars of Lebanon 11. Wolf Work 12. Why 13. She Moves in Memories 14. The Fundamentals of Brainwashing 15. Howl 16. A Dark Night in Toytown 17. Until the Last Butterfly

Tracks DVD One Selected 5.1 01. Wolfwork 02. Set Your Compass 03. Cedars of Lebanon 04. Brand New 05. Serpentine Song 06. Circus of Becoming Live Rarities 07. When the Heart Rules the Mind [2018] 08. Mechanical Bride [Paris 2009] 09. Rainbows [Cologne 2011] 10. Rise Again [Offenbach 2017]

Tracks DVD Two: Somewhere in South America - Live in Buenos Aires 2002 01. The Floating Seventh 02. Mechanical Bride 03. Medley 04. Serpentine Song 05. Watcher of the Skies 06. Hairless Heart 07. Firth of Fifth 08. Riding the Colossus 09. Pollution 10. The Steppes 11. Gnossienne #1 12. Walking Away from Rainbows 13. Sierra Quemada 14. The Wall of Knives 15. Vampyre with a Healthy Appetite 16. A Tower Struck Down 17. Lucridus 18. Darktown 19. Camino Royale 20. Intros 21. In Memoriam 22. Horizons 23. Los Endos —————————————————

* Long Live Rock Archive

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jghouse-asia-pacific · 3 years

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New Post has been published on https://www.jg-house.com/2021/04/28/esby-in-rome/

Esby in Rome

The sun’s rays blinded him while its heat radiated from the black asphalt under his feet and burned him. Esby walked, and as Julienne walked beside him, they turned the next corner and entered a smaller, side street and passed into the historic center—the heart—of the city. This street was narrow, no wider than a path, and, like most of the streets of il centro storico, closed to automobile traffic.

On both sides, the ancient buildings, scarred by weather and human agents, rose straight up for a hundred feet or more, obscuring the light.

A head emerged from an opening, a window, in the stucco wall above perhaps half way to the top of the building on the right side of the path and almost directly above them. Two brown eyes in a woman’s face met his blue eyes, lingered for a few seconds, shifted slightly to his left, and rested on Julienne’s black face. Then the head withdrew. The image lingered in his mind.

Julienne and Esby emerged onto Piazza Navona and walked to its center, stopping in front of an opulent stone structure, Fontana dei Fiumi, one of the many creations of the Italian sculptor Bernini, with its four statues, each one representing one of the four great rivers known to the western world during the 1600s—the Danube, the Rio de la Plata, the Ganges, and the Nile. He pointed to the two ends of the piazza with its elliptical shape and identified the other two fountains, Fontana del Moro and Fontana del Nettuno.

“Oh, I want a glace,” Julienne said, using the French word for ice cream. She was staring at a little shop to their right. “Let’s go over there. What is the name? Il Finocchio?”

Esby laughed. The name. The accent. He thought he had heard wrong. He looked at Julienne.

“What did you say?” Esby asked.

He turned his gaze to the ice cream parlor. It had a sign above its doorway showing an image of a pink, smiley face with a tongue protruding upward and the words, stenciled in large, black letters, Gelateria Il Finocchio. Esby laughed again, this time harder. Julienne looked at him, but said nothing. The word, finocchio, he knew, had two meanings in Italian: first, it meant fennel, a kind of vegetable; second, it meant homosexual or, more specifically, a gay man.

The only people present on their side of Piazza Navona either stood in line in front of Il Finocchio, waiting to purchase ice cream, or they lingered in groups nearby, holding cups and eating from them.

“What flavor do you want?” Esby asked. Vanilla was her favorite.

“Vanilla,” she replied, “Or dulce de leche.”

Man on Bicycle

Esby looked more closely at the tiny store. It had no tables, either inside or outside, and, in fact, it had space for only a counter and about six containers of ice cream to one side. A lone man, with a black goatee and a pot belly covered by a white apron, stood behind the counter shoveling scoops of the cold, smooth substance into round, paper dishes.

After Julienne accepted a scoop of vanilla in a paper dish from the man, Esby paid, and he and Julienne left the gelateria, strolling toward the end of the piazza and the sprawling Fontana del Nettuno. While Julienne walked, she maneuvered the miniature, plastic spoon inside the small, paper dish, and then she moved it into her mouth. She interrupted the cycle once and offered a spoonful to Esby, and he allowed it to pass through his lips. The ice cream was good.

“Let’s take another photo,” Esby said. “Of both of us this time.”

Julienne glanced at him. They stopped next to the Fontana del Nettuno. Esby looked down at the camera in his left hand, as if reassuring himself that he still had it. When he looked up, he saw a man observing him from one of the benches situated at intervals along the periphery of the piazza. His eyes met the man’s eyes. The man smiled, revealing a stark contrast between the white of his teeth and the black of his skin, and then the man approached.

“The ice cream is good, isn’t it?” the man said, speaking in English.

The black man spread his arms and hands wide, looking, first, at Esby and, next, at Julienne, allowing his gaze to linger on her. Tall with full features, the man, apparently of middle age, had a smooth, hairless skin which glistened in the afternoon sun. He wore a light-colored, formless suit, slightly frayed, a white shirt, and a blue tie, loosened at the neck. He spoke English well, with a rich, deep voice and an accent probably acquired in the schools of his native country, but possibly, too, in England, Esby thought.

“Losáko, sángo níni? Moi bási kitóko,” the man said, suddenly, in a different tone of voice, as if reciting poetry, his eyes focused on Julienne’s face. Esby immediately knew the man was speaking Lingala, one of the principal languages of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Julienne’s blush was almost instantaneous, delayed by an initial surprise. It spread quickly across her features and down her neck, starting from her nose and cheeks and radiating outward across her face and neck.

“The sun shines on all beautiful women,” Julienne repeated, this time in English, glancing at Esby, with the imprint of the blush and the smile still on her face. Esby studied the man, who again revealed the stark contrast between the white of his teeth and the black of his face. Esby realized he was not surprised by the man’s words in Lingala.

A large group of tourists, all women, approached, talking loudly in French. Esby ignored them.

Young Woman in Metro

“I would recognize a Congolese beauty anywhere,” the man said. He took off his coat, draped it over his left shoulder, and rolled up the sleeves of his shirt. In the same lilting voice, he added, still looking at Julienne, “You come from the capital, Kinshasa. Am I right?”

Julienne nodded, her smile becoming bigger.

“Would you like me to take a photo of the two of you?” the man asked. He folded his coat and lay it on the edge of the Fontana del Nettuno.

Esby placed the camera in the man’s hand and looked at Julienne. Neither he nor she said anything, but together they moved to a spot in front of the fountain, where Neptune prepared to vanquish a group of sea monsters with fangs bared. The Congolese man took the photo, returned the camera to Esby, and picked up his coat.

The French women now were still standing to one side, staring at Esby and Julienne. But, for some reason, they no longer were talking. They were completely silent.

“Enjoy yourselves in Rome,” the Congolese man said, abruptly, looking from Julienne to Esby and turning to leave. Then he stopped. “Until we meet again,” the man said, looking at Esby. When he looked at Julienne, he said, “Tíkala malámu,” and disappeared into a crowd.

A strange scent filled the air. The smell of body odor came from the French tourists, all female, standing nearby. Esby turned his head slightly to his right and watched as a second group of French tourists approached and stopped next to the first one. The second group of tourists was composed of men. The members of both groups were eating ice cream, laughing, and talking loudly now. Julienne listened for a moment to one of the conversations.

“Mon Dieu,” Julienne muttered, contorting the features of her face in disgust and bringing her right hand to a point six inches in front of her nose. With her right wrist as a pivot point, she waved her hand up and down, fanning the air. She grimaced and puckered her lips, betraying disgust. A woman in the first group noticed Julienne’s gesture and said something to one of her companions. Esby laughed. Julienne looked at Esby.

“Damn, who is giving off that horrible odor?” Esby asked. He looked around. “Someone in the women’s group or in the men’s group?”

“Are you serious?” Julienne replied. “A woman. I can smell her sweat mixed with her perfume.” Esby laughed. Julienne shrugged.

Small Girl in Sand

“Some French men prefer women who stink,” Julienne said. “It’s a fact.” She was silent for a moment. Esby thought she might be holding her breath. “I’m tired,” Julienne said, abruptly. “Let’s go back to the hotel,” she added, and she started to walk away.

A French woman, who wore a white tank top, leaving her arms bare to her shoulders, raised an arm as if in greeting, but seemed to change her mind, diverting the movement of her hand to adjust her sunglasses on the bridge of her nose.

Esby caught up with Julienne and began walking across Piazza Navona toward an outlet at one end of the piazza which led in the direction of the hotel. Julienne followed. They pushed through crowds of tourists and smaller, more relaxed groups of locals.

Esby wanted to navigate the maze of streets before him and lead Julienne back to the hotel quickly, but he had only a vague notion of how to do it. His shoulders slumped. His body seemed to lose power and within minutes he was paralyzed.

Without realizing it, Esby started moving west toward the Tiber River and their hotel on the other side of the river. He saw fewer tourists and more Italians, and the crowds began to grow by degrees. At one point, Esby realized that one stream of Romans flowed in one direction on one side of the street, and another stream flowed in the opposite direction on the other side. But now, the two streams seemed to merge.

Esby found himself shoulder to shoulder and hip to hip with wave after wave of people who dressed with impeccable care and style and who stared at them with ferocity. He felt the people directed all of their attention at him and at her. He became self-conscious, withdrawing into some undefined part of himself. The movements of his legs and arms, which before required separate acts of will, became mechanical. His feet and legs moved instinctually. He was vaguely aware of Julienne behind him, but she seemed too far away to see clearly. He didn’t try to turn and talk with her, and she didn’t try to speed up and walk next to him. On the contrary, she seemed to adjust her pace so that she stayed ten to fifteen feet behind him no matter how dense the crowd became.

Esby’s eyes detected a familiar landmark in the distance. His legs picked up their pace. The water of the Tiber River, Esby could see as he approached, absorbed the slanting rays of the sun, revealing vague shapes below its surface and making him more uneasy. He seemed to be looking into a nether world. Esby stopped. Julienne stopped, too, somewhere behind him.

***

#Europe, #Italy, #LifeCulture #Beauty, #Culture, #Love, #Rome

#beauty #culture #love #Rome

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