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oprichnik · 6 years

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pairing/characters: snowbaz (mostly simon centered) word count: 1523 rating: general audiences read on ao3 tags: post-canon, angst, emotional hurt/comfort, established relationship

You dream about the Mage and the color green, and you smell smoke. You smell fire. You taste salt. Then you turn around and it’s Ebb, and Crowley, she’s beautiful and gold and she smiles like nothing hurts, but something isn’t right. You can taste soot in the back of your throat now, as if your insides are burning and your eyes are starting to burn, but you don’t know if it’s tears or the fire circling around you. You want to reach for Ebb, but your hands won’t move. You think you hear Penelope. You think you hear Baz.

Ebb opens her mouth, hair fluttering and flames flicking, but she just breathes. She only breathes out once before the blood starts. Her teeth are pink and it’s like a fucking waterfall on the front of her dress. You take a long blink because you want to avoid looking at her, and then it’s the Mage.

He looks at you like you’ve betrayed him. He looks at you like you’re hurting him.

And then—

You think the sound of your clock hitting the wooden floor in an otherwise silent room jolted you awake. You have to pull your wings back in, closer to your back, because your lamp’s on the floor, too. It takes you a long moment of trying to remember how to breathe through the smothering heat wrapping itself around you before you realize your phone is down there as well. You’re probably going to shatter the screen one of these nights if you haven’t already.

You instinctively start to reach for it because you want to call him. You feel like, for a split second, you need to.

But then you wonder what the fucking point is.

He already knows you have these dreams.

Sometimes he’s there when you do because it’s his cold hands on your overheated skin that jars you awake instead, your lungs pulling it a sharp breath instinctively. He’s the one that reminds you to inhale, exhale; the one that pushes his fingers through your damp curls until your heart stops feeling like it’s going to either hammer itself out of your chest or crawl up your throat with the urge to puke. He’s the one that wraps you back up.

He already knows that you want to rip your wings, your tail, off because they itch and it feels like they’re the source of all the heat and it makes you feel so nauseous. He knows you want to crawl out of your skin in the middle of the night.

And what’s the point of making him feel useless when you can just leave him alone and let him sleep for once?

You feel like you’re going to wake up with these nightmares for the rest of your life. Your chest is always going to ache, your skin is always going to burn, your head is always going to hurt, and all you’ll ever want is to go off because it feels like it’s the only hope you’ll ever have of releasing this feeling—because you love him (by all the magic in the universe, you love him so much), but Baz can only do so much and his fingers will never be able to untangle the snarl in your heart. That tangle of visceral anger and sadness and acrimony that resides in your ribcage like a stone and makes you feel so sick constantly.

You love him, but you’re bitter. You’re so bitter and you don’t want to be.

But in these moments of darkness and loneliness, you’ll remember as intimately as if you had felt it yesterday, the way your magic felt like static, another pulse, an exposed wire inside of you—and there won’t be a way to get it out. You will feel wound up, shattered like blown glass, and bleeding and there will be nothing you can do about it.

Except maybe cry.

And even that, you don’t want to do because it feels like a waste. An absolute fucking waste.

Because a part of you is gone and empty, and nothing—surely not something as so banally Normal as crying—will bring it back or help you cope with it. You had left a Simon-shaped imprint in the magical atmosphere when you had your magic, but the lack of it left dead echoes inside of you in return.

You realize that this hole in your entire being might be the one Baz had been right about so many months ago.

You feel like a husk, and you feel like it’s getting bigger.

“Simon?”

You’re not looking at anyone.

Penny had tried her best to talk to you this morning, but you had skirted around her like a skittish animal and she knows what that means. You wonder if she called Baz to come and ‘check’ on you since she had classes and no time to sit around, silently trying to unravel you. You wish you had classes today. At least then, you could avoid this—this moment where you have to remember everything you are and everything you aren’t, and you have to lock your jaw so you don’t say something you don’t mean because—

Well, because this isn’t fifth year anymore where you think you’re better off hurling what you can at Baz because he gets under your skin like no one else. Maybe it’s in softer and more loving ways nowadays, but it doesn’t change the fact that Basilton fucking Pitch can crawl under your skin and burrow himself to your bone if he wants to. There was a time in your life where you didn’t know what to do with that and all it did was feed this insatiable, misplaced anger and what you thought was hatred for years. But sometimes…

Sometimes the feeling of him around you lights you up that way again, and it’s not fair to him. It’s not fair to Baz at all, who has done nothing but love you through this.

I choose you. Simon Snow, I choose you.

It’s not his fault any more than it’s yours, you know this.

You just don’t know how to sort through all this anger and bitterness. Because you know that it doesn’t belong anywhere except for at the universe for being so cruel to you—for chewing you up with a mouthful of daggers and spitting you back out, but you don’t know how to cope with that. It feels like such a hopeless and aimless rage, and even though it’s not directed specifically at Baz, sometimes he becomes the target because he’s familiar.

Because you did spend years angry at him and it feels like it might be as close as you can get to the things you lost—as if it’s the closest you can get to going off and feeling some kind of relief.

But you’re not angry at him anymore. The last thing you want to do is hurt him because it’s not fair to him. He’s not the reason you lost your magic. He’s not the reason you’re haunted by the ghosts of all that vanished.

You’re just not realizing that your suffering is inevitably his, too. You don’t have to lash out at him with a razor tongue to hurt him—you never really have.

“Simon.”

You close your eyes and clench your fists on the table. It hurts. It hurts so fucking much.

You really do wish that crying would help so maybe you would stop bashing into walls, stop throwing punches where your fists can’t really take the damage (because you had long ago spat your objections to Penny or Baz spelling your bruises or open wounds healed because if you’re going to be a fucking Normal now, you might as well heal like one), and stop having all these nightmares about the Mage and Ebb—or stop having all these wistful dreams of Watford and magic and warmth (which might as well be nightmares, too).

You want to sleep, but you don’t even remember what the sensation feels like anymore.

But then you’re crying anyway. You don’t know when it started because you didn’t want it, but you’re crying because it’s all your heart knows how to do. You pull in an ugly breath, broken and rattling, and you fucking—

Sob for all that you have and all that you don’t.

And Baz wraps his arms around you as tight as he can (which makes you cry harder because this isn’t fair to him) and you bury your face into his shoulder after he gets you to turn around in his arms. He smells like cedar and the skin of his neck is cool against your flushed face, and you want him to fill this shell. You want him to untangle you, lay you back out, and remind you that you’re still Simon Snow, with or without magic.

But then you know that it doesn’t matter because he can’t. Nothing really can.

You don’t want to be the hole he was right about, but it feels like it’s just getting bigger inside of you.

#c.#m: writing #fanfic #series: carry on #snowbaz

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jamesgraybooksellerworld · 4 years

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‘VIVITUR INGENIO’

392J. Albrecht DÜRER 1471-1528, Translator Giovanni Paolo Gallucci,; 1538-1621?

Di Alberto Durero pittore, e geometra chiarissimo. Della simmetria dei corpi humani. Libri quattro : Nuouamente tradotti dalla lingua Latina nella Italiana, da M. Gio. Paolo Gallucci Salodiano. Academico Veneto. Et accresciuti del quinto Libro, nel quale si tratta, con quai modi possano i Pittori, & Scoltori mostrare la diuersità della natura de gli huomini, & donne, & con quali le passioni, che sentono per li diuersi accidenti, che li occorrono. … Opera à i Pittori, e Scoltori non solo utile, ma necessaria, & ad ogn’altro, che di tal materia desidera acquistarsi perfetto giudicio.

Venetia [Venice] : Appresso Roberto Meietti, Hora di nouo stampati. 1594. $15,500

Folio, !6 A-L6 M7 N-P6 Q8 R-Z6 . Bound in contemporary limp vellum.

In this book there are hundreds of woodcut illustrations on almost every opening in the book, each representing the proportions of the human body depending on the age, the sex and the personal development. Each body is drawn/represented a frontal, side and in motion ,view while the heads are shown in different positions, such as looking upwards or downwards. Depicting which kind of perspective the artist should take in order to represent a person better.

In the first three books Dürer discusses methods of measuring and representing human proportion. The third book concludes with a passage on the relationship of art to God. The fourth book discusses the representation of movement and bent postures.

Most of the illustrations are close copies of those in the first, German edition (1528).

This book is a cornerstone in the history of the human representation.

The work was published for the first time posthumously in Nuremberg, in 1528, with the original German title Vier Bücher von menschlicher Proportion.

The first book was mainly composed by 1512/13 and completed by 1523, showing five differently constructed types of both male and female figures, all parts of the body expressed in fractions of the total height. Dürer based these constructions on both Vitruvius and empirical observations of “two to three hundred living persons”. The second book includes eight further types, broken down not into fractions but an Albertian system, which Dürer probably learned from Francesco di Giorgio’s ‘De harmonica mundi totius’ of 1525. In the third book, Dürer gives principles by which the proportions of the figures can be modified, including the mathematical simulation of convex and concave mirrors; here Dürer also deals with human physiognomy. The fourth book is devoted to the theory of movement.

Appended to the last book, is an essay on aesthetics, which Dürer worked on between 1512 and 1528, and it is here that we learn of his theories concerning ‘ideal beauty’. Dürer rejected Alberti’s concept of an objective beauty, proposing a relativist notion of beauty based on variety. Nonetheless, Dürer still believed that truth was hidden within nature, and that there were rules which ordered beauty, even though he found it difficult to define the criteria for such a code. In 1512/13 he wrote that his three criteria were function (‘Nutz’), naïve approval (‘Wohlgefallen’) and the happy medium (‘Mittelmass’).

However, unlike Alberti and Leonardo, Dürer was most troubled by understanding not just the abstract notions of beauty but also as to how an artist can create beautiful images. Between 1512 and the final draft in 1528, Dürer’s belief developed from an understanding of human creativity as spontaneous or inspired to a concept of ‘selective inward synthesis’.

In other words, that an artist builds on a wealth of visual experiences in order to imagine beautiful things. Dürer’s belief in the abilities of a single artist over inspiration prompted him to assert that “one man may sketch something with his pen on half a sheet of paper in one day, or may cut it into a tiny piece of wood with his little iron, and it turns out to be better and more artistic than another’s work at which its author labours with the utmost diligence for a whole year”.

Adams D, 1055; Cicognara 321; Durling/NLM 1299; Mortimer, Italian 169 (in nota); Wellcome II, 1920. E. PANOFSKY, Albrecht Dürer, I, pp. 244-245:

«Dürer was the firstartist, who, brought up in the late-medieval workshops of the North, fell under the spell of art theory as it had evolved in Italy. It is in his development as a theorist of art that we can study in vitro, as it were, the transition from a convenient code of instructions to a systematic and formulated body of knowledge».

•Selz, Albrecht Dürer: le peintre, le graveur et le théoreticien (1996); •A. Dürer, The writings of Albrecht Dürer, tr. and ed. W.M. Conway (1958); •E. Panofsky, ‘Dürer as a theorist of art’, in E. Panofsky, Albrecht Dürer, vol. I (1943), p.260-84.; •E. Panofsky, ‘The history of the theory of human proportions as a reflection of the history of styles’, in Meaning in the visual arts (1955), p.55-107; •V. Mortet, ‘La mesure de la figure humaine et le canon des proportions d’aprs les dessins de Villard d’Honnecourt, d’Albert Dürer et de Léonard de Vinci’, in Mélanges offerts à M. Emile Chatelain (1910), p.367-71.

§§

2) 398J. Antoninus Florentinus

Confessionale: Defecerunt scrutantes scrutinio… Add: Titulus de restitutionibus; Conclusiones et decisiones in foro conscientiae; Versus decem praeceptorum ac septem peccatorum mortalium

Venice: Venetiis : Impressum per Petrum Jo. de q[ua]rengijs Bergome[n]se[m] 15 February 1499.

Imprint from colophon (leaf z3v) which reads: Explicit vtilissima [con]fessio[n]alis su[m]mula cu[m] tractatu[m] de Restit[uti]o[n]ibus … Reuerendissimi b[ea]ti Antonini archiepiscopi florentini … Impressu[m] p[er] Petrum Jo. de q[ua]rengijs Bergome[n]se[m]. die. 15. febrarij. [sic] 1499. $5,500

Octavo (150 x 102 mm), a-y8 z6 contemporary reversed vellum from a Medieval manuscript, preserved in a red velvet box, ff. [182].Gothic type 13:69G and 17:98G. Text in Latin on 2 columns, Gothic type, 33 lines. A large woodcut at colophon, repre-senting a blessing angel. In this book Antoninus deals with the authority, science and doctrine of confessor and illustrates all the methods to question the penitent soul. Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence. Shows us the the powers of the confessor, the seven deadly sins (the initial of each of the seven sins capitals ordered by their importance: Superbia, Avaritia, Luxuria, Ira, Gluttony, Invidia and Accidia (pride, avarice, lust, anger, gluttony, envy and laziness) (book 2, section 2), the manner of interrogating people of different social and professional status (including butchers, bakers, musicians, jewellers, physicians and pharmacists, book 2, section 3), together with absolution and imposition of penance.

There are three versions of the Confessionalia which are distinguished by their incipits, the first one (GW 2075- 2079) “Curam illius habe” which is in Italian and sometimes known as “Medicina dell’anima”, and the second “Omnis mortalium cura” or “Specchio di coscienza”, again in Italian, to which various other texts are appended (GW 2152-2176). The third, found here, “Defecerunt scrutantes scrutinio” (GW 2080-2151) is by far the most printed and is known not only in Latin but was translated into Italian and Spanish,

This work is of considerable interest for the student of medieval and renaissance social history.

PROVENANCE: Inscription Ad usum Jo. Ant. Romagnoli on the title-page.

ISTC ia00830000 : Goff A831;GW; 2138 (variant colophon); Hain,; *1206 ; IGI 653; BSB-Ink A-591; H 1206*; Pellechet854; Richard 43; IDL 347; IBP 413; Sajó-Soltész 244; Sack(Freiburg) 225; Lőkkös(Cat BPU) 35; Gisi 28; Sack 225:Husung 111 .

https://data.cerl.org/istc/ia00831000

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3). 388J Gisbert Cuper. 1644-1716

Gisb. Cuperi Harpocrates, Sive Explicatio imaguncluæ argenteæ perantiquæ; quæ in figuram Harpocratis formata representat Solem. Ejusdem Monumenta Antiqua Inedita. Multi Auctorum loci, multæ Inscriptiones, Marmora, Nummi, Gemmæ, varii ritus, & Antiquitates in utroque Opusculo emendantur & illustrantur. Accedit Stephani Le Moine Epistola de Melanophoris.

Utrecht: (Trajecti ad Rhenum) Apud Franciscum Halma, Acad. Typogr., 1687. $1,800

Quarto. *4, A-Z4, Aa-Pp4, Qq2. (Two blank leaves follow Qq2 which may or may not be integral.)

This book has an added engraved title, forty-one text engravings, seven folding engravings, and one text woodcut. It is in bright, crisp condition throughout,

“Gisbert Cuper, a Dutch critic and philologist, born at Hemmendem in 1644. He was for many years professor of history at Deventer, and published serveral valuable works.” (Thomas’ Pronouncing Dictionary)

Harpocrates was adapted by the Greeks from the Egyptian child god Horus, who represented the newborn sun, rising each day at dawn. Harpocrates’s name was a Hellenization of the Egyptian Har-pa-khered or Heru-pa-khered, meaning “Horus the Child”. Yet to the Romans, who misinterpreted Harpocrates as the personification of silence, and this particular work is a study of statues and other art from classical antiquity that depict these later figures of silence.

STCN ppn 833724266; Brunet 6, no. 22603; Cicognara 3212; Ebert 5512; Graesse 2,308) The engraved frontispiece, depicts Harpocrates standing on a pedestal, around him gods like Apollo, Hermes, Serapis and Isis, and in the foreground Tempus, who shovels for Egyptian antiquities. Woodcut printer’s mark on the title, motto: ‘vivitur in genio’, ‘only through his genius man survives’. there are 3 cul de lampe vignettes, text engravings on 39 pages, small woodcuts on 2 pages; 6 plates depicting ancient monuments) This is a philological tour de force of the Dutch classical scholar Gisbertus Cuper. In the second century B.C., and who was connected with the mystery cult of the Egyptian goddess Isis. Cuper’s research began, he tells us in the preface, with a small silver statuette which he saw in the famous collection of his friend (and scholar) Johannes Smetius, whom he visited in 1674 in Nijmegen. The statuette was found in the ground of the collector’s hometown Nijmegen. It is a sculpture of a small boy, almost naked, and with a lotus flower on his head. He is winged and wears a small quiver on his back; the boy holds the index finger of his right hand against his lips, as if to enjoin silence. (p. 1: ‘manus dextrae digito indice premit vocem, & silentia suadet’) From his right arm hangs a small bucket (situla), and around his left arm coils a snake. His left hand rests on a club, around which another snake coils, and to which a goose has been attached. At the boy’s right foot sits a rabbit or hare. At his left foot a small bird of prey (accipiter vel alia avis). (p. 2) As soon as Cuper saw this aenigmatic figurine, he decided to examine it, for he could not imagine that all those attributes had been added without any intention. He recognized the boy from a Egyptian hieroglyph as Harpocration, whom Egyptian superstition brought to Rome. He immediately realized also that this boy did not ask for silence (non silentium tantum digito suadens), but that he represented the Sun (verum Solis imaginem referens). (p. 2) In the rest of the book Cuper closely examines all the relevant passages concerning Harpocrates’ iconography in ancient authors, in mythology, coins, inscriptions, amulets etc., to prove his point, that Harpocrates’s finger was misunderstood, from the Roman scholar Varro to Augustine, and that the boy was not a diety of Silence at all. This 1687 edition is a reissue, considerably augmented with ‘Gisberti Cuperi Monumenta antiqua inedita’ (ca. 70 pages) in which Cuper discusses recent finds. He examines various inscriptions in leading his reflection on the various cults Hercules, Diane. He offers a description and image of the finds, and tries to explain matters with the help of ancient sources and the work of contemporary scholars. At the end has also been added ‘Ad Gisb. Cuperum De Melanphoris epististola’ (30 pages) written by the French orientalist Stephanus Le Moine, 1624-1689, who lectured in Leiden from 1676. His letter is a treatise on the black clothes (melamphoroi), which the members of the Isis fraternities wore when they lamented.

Cuper was one of Pierre Bayle’s Dutch correspondents who was an important source of information for the Nouvelles de la &Republique des Lettres and the Dictionnaire historique et critique was Gisbert Cuper (1644-17 i6), a well-known humanist and professor of history at Deventer. A recognized numismatist and author of several scholarly works on aspects of Roman history and culture, Cuper was also a magistrate and a deputy from the province of Overijssel to the Estates-General from i686 to I693. In recognition of his scholarly interpretations of Roman medals and coins, he was named as one of the first foreign correspondents to the Academie des Inscriptions.

Because he was in the mainstream of both the scholarly and political life of Holland, Cuper was an invaluable correspondent for Bayle. Because Cuper was an important source of material and information, Bayle could use him for his own publications. Also Bayle, who was often under attack for his unorthodox views on religion and politics, was in need of the favor and protection that can be offered by respected and influential people. Cuper was on good terms with conservative elements of Dutch society of the times, such as the Orangists, and thus was in a strategic position to be helpful.

Cuper and Bayle first began corresponding in July, I684, soon after the first issue of the Nouvelles (March I684), in which Bayle reviewed the former’s commentary on a cameo, L’Apotheose d’Home’re grave’e sur un marbre. Subsequently the two corresponded on a fairly regular basis over a period of twenty years, exchanging information on scholarlv activities underway on the continent and Cuper’s work, Apotheosis seu coissecratio Homneri (Amsterdam, I683), is re- viewed in the Nouivelles for March, i684, art, VIII.

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The frontispiece signed and dated in the plate: Joh. van der Avele invention and fecit. Title page in red and black. This edition is enhanced with a letter of Etienne Le Moyne; this text has a half-title and the second text: Monumenta Antiqua. Cuper’s research are a precursor to art history and Winckelmann. Many Greek and Hebrew quotations in the texts.

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4) 389J Anonmyous

The humours, and conversations of the town, expos’d in two dialogues, the first, of the men. The second, of the women.

London : printed for R. Bentley, in Russel-Street, in Covent-Garden, and J. Tonson, at the Judge’s-Head in Chancery-Lane, 1693. $2,000

Octavo A⁶ B-G¹².

Wing (2nd ed.), H3720; Macdonald, Hugh. John Dryden; a bibliography. Oxford, 1939, p. 275-276.

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5). 393J Lucretius

THE LAST BOOK PUBLISHED BY ALDUS

Venice: Aldus Manutius and Andrea Torresani di Asolo, 1515 $4,500

Octavo. *8a-q8 (*8, q78 blank except for device on q8) This is the second Aldine edition, the first edited by Andrea Navagero (1483–1529), the editor of all the last Latin editions published by Aldus from the Cicero of 1514 onwards, and considered superior to the edition of 1500. Bound in an18th century stiff vellum with label and gilt-lettered title at spine, yellow edges. This books was published one month before Aldus’s death, on February 1515 and contains his last preface, addressed to Alberto Pio, prince of Carpi.The title-page was restored and remounted; honest copy with short margins.

This book is a classical enchiridion, in the octavo format with text in Italic types, with no accompanying commentary or printed decoration. De rerum natura of Titus Lucretius Carus, the first century B.C. Roman natural philosopher, expounds, in the form of an epic poem, the cosmological theories of his teacher, the Greek philosopher Epicurus, demonstrating the workings of his model of a universe based on the atom as the fundamental particle. In the preface Aldus notes that although much of the philosophy expounded by Lucretius is repugnant to a believing Christian, t is much of value in his work and he should tfore be read anyway. Aldus, now sixty-five, would die within a month of publication of this, his last production. Thus his complaint concluding the preface becomes the more poignant: “But, if it weren’t for the bad health with which I have been rather harshly afflicted for some months now, quite a bit would have been added which would testify to all of our diligence, and would have made [the text] of Lucretius itself fuller.” From all accounts, Aldus simply wore himself out (as the eulogy in the 1515 edition of Lactantius states). This 1515 Lucretius is one of the celebrated Aldine editions of the ancient classics in the handy small 8vo format.

Lucretius was the first of the Latin classic poets printed by Aldus, selected for both his elegance and his philosophical interest. Although De rerum natura has notably anti-religious undertones, its psychedelic vision of swerving atoms enchanted early modern readers—including Pope Sixtus IV, Aldus’s preoccupation with the integrity and correctness of the original text lies behind the publication of his edition of the Epicurean poem De rerum natura .It might be a strange choice if one considers the controversial nature of the text often in contrast with Christian beliefs–as the publisher himself points out in his dedicatory letter–but a natural choice given the philosophical nature of the text, in line with Aldus’s interests in scientific and philosophical texts from the Antiquity. Aldus’s admission that the text has also been chosen in view of the classical elegance of the verse introduces a new element of interest in the text.

In the preface Aldus notes that although much of the philosophy expounded by Lucretius is repugnant to a believing Christian, there is much of value in his work and he should therefore be read anyway. Aldus, now sixty-five, would die within a month of publication of this, his last production. Thus his complaint concluding the preface becomes the more poignant: “But, if it weren’t for the bad health with which I have been rather harshly afflicted for some months now, quite a bit would have been added which would testify to all of our diligence, and would have made [the text] of Lucretius itself fuller.”

Gordon, Bibliography of Lucretius, 6; Adams L-1651. New UCLA 130;Davies, Devices of the Early Printers, no.236).; Renouard AA p. 74:11; Kallendorf & Wells #127; Dibdin II 198-199. Renouard, 74.11.;Keynes.H.1.33, fol. q6 recto; Censimento 16 CNCE 37499; Texas 126;

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6) 223J Rubens, Peter Paul, 1577-1640. Barbé, Jean Baptiste,; 1578-1649. Galle, Cornelis,; 1576- 1650. Leczycki, Mikolaj,; 1574-1652. Pázmány, Péter,; 1570-1637.

Vita beati P. Ignatii Loiolae Societatis Iesu fundatoris.

Romae [Rome, Italy] : [s.n.], 1609 $3,800

Engraved architectonical frontispiece of important founders of the Society.

Quarto, 2 leaves plus 79 numbered cuts. This book consists of 81 copper engravings (including title page and frontispiece)–attributed either to Jean Baptiste Barbé or Cornelis Galle, the elder. Nineteen drawings for the engravings have been identified as the work of Peter Paul Rubens. Cf. The Rubens engravings of The life of St Ignatius (St Omers Press, 2005), p. 107-108; Diccionario histórico de la Compañia de Jesus, v. 4, p. 3428; Dictionary of art, v. 12, p. 16 (under Cornelis Galle)./

Commissioned by the Society of Jesus in 1605/1606 and issued in 1609, the year of Ignatius’ beatification. Each engraved plate includes a descriptive caption in Latin, attributed to Nicolaus Lancicius (i.e. Mikolaj Leczycki)–and Cardinal Peter Pázmány. Cf. modern edition: Vida de San Ignacio de Loyola en imágenes (Ediciones Mensajero, Bilbao, [1995])./ Title within architectural border depicting significant members of the Society of Jesus.

81 copper engravings (including title page and frontispiece) 19 after Rubens. Small (4to) 18×13.5 cm (7×5¼”) Later vellum ornamented with stamps of gilt St. Benedict, spine lettered on red morocco label in gilt, modern marbled endpapers.

Nineteen drawings for the engravings have been identified as the work of Peter Paul Rubens. Cf. The Rubens engravings of The life of St Ignatius (St Omers Press, 2005), p. 107-108; Diccionario histórico de la Compañia de Jesus, v. 4, p. 3428; Dictionary of art, v. 12, p. 16 (under Cornelis Galle)./ Commissioned by the Society of Jesus in 1605/1606 and issued in 1609, the year of Ignatius’ beatification.

Each engraved plate includes a descriptive caption in Latin, attributed to Nicolaus Lancicius (i.e. Mikolaj Leczycki)–and Cardinal Peter Pázmány. Cf. modern edition: Vida de San Ignacio de Loyola en imágenes (Ediciones Mensajero, Bilbao, [1995])./ Title within architectural border depicting significant members of the Society of Jesus.

to (20.5cm), attractive binding in contemporary limp vellum with gold fillets on boards and central fleuron, golden edges (some marginal repairs to a few leaves, light browning). First edition of this iconographic biography of St Ignatius Loyola, which was the result of an international collaboration: the two promoters, the Jesuit Nicholas Lancicius (Polish) and Philip Rinaldi, supported by the Hungarian P»ter P?zm?ny, composed the Latin text, while it is possible that the images used for the engravings by Jean Baptiste Barb» were drawn by Rubens, at the start of his collaboration with the Jesuits (although another hypothesis is that they are the work of Cornelis Galle). The author, a skilled Latinist, is particularly known for his history of the JesuitsÌ early ventures to Asia. He refers here to IgnatiusÌs friend, Francis Xavier, and the mission to the East Indies and Japan, which Xavier had embarked upon in 1541 (Quaritch Cat. 1226, 132). Cicognara 2139; Thieme-B. XIII, 106; Hollstein VII, 169-249.

The book was published in Rome in 1609, on the occasion of the beatification of Ignatius of Loyola. Includes 79 copper engravings (in addition to the cover page and portrait) that illustrate the life of the founder of the Society of Jesus, since its inception in 1491, its conversion, its journey to the Holy Land and so on, until its death in 1556. Surely the book was in preparation for some time and was part of the Jesuit strategy to make S. Ignazio’s figure more important to the public.

Backer-Sommervogel,; v. 6, column 409, no. 13; as well as Vol XI col 1485(Quaritch Cat. 1226, 132). Cicognara 2139; Thieme-B. XIII, 106; Hollstein VII, 169-249.

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7) 583G Eleven works bound together, .

1) Vindiciae doctrinae societ: Iesu a Calumniis patroni torunensium anonymi. [Bound with] 2) Apologia Roberti S.R.E. Cardinalis Bellarmini, pro responsione sua ad librum Iacobi Magnae Britanniae … [Bound with] 3) Controversia de ecclesia verbo dei, conciliis, summo pontifice, certis conclusionibus comprehensa. [Bound with] 4) Monita Calvinistarum privata & publica, generalia & specialia, ex libris illorum, dictis, & factis collecta … [Bound with] 5). Pax non pax seu rationes aliquot, quibus confoederationis Evangelicorum cum Catholicis pacem … [Bound with] 6). Obronarozsadku o niedopuszczeniu Budowania Haeretyckiego zboru wpoznaniu narespons … [Bound with] 7) Krotkie a Zwiezne otworzenie oczu [Bound with] 8) Symbola tria. Catholicum. Calvinianum. Lutheranum. Omnia. Ipsis eorum auctorum verbis expressa. [Bound with] 9) Symbolum Lutheranum [Bound with] 10)Theses Catholicae, de vocatione ministrorum evangelicorum. [Bound with] 11) Veritas catholica [in Hebrew] Tres divinae personae pater, filius, & spiritus sanctus in una essentia contra obstinatos Iudaeos, Arianos, & Anabaptistas. $11,500

Quarto, 7.25 x 6 in. The collations for all ten works are as follows: (1.) A-G4 (2.) *4, A-K8 (3.) *2, A-B2, A4 [-*3, *4] (4.) A-E4, F2 (5.) A4, B6 (6.) A-M4 (7.) π, A4, B5 (8.) *4, A-F4 (9.) A-D4 (10.) π, A4, B6 (11) A3, B-E4, F1

This sammelband is bound in the original Eastern European binding of blind tooled calf with ties. The binding has been strengthened as the sewing supports were virtually non-existent. The works are all in very good condition, a minor tear to D3 in the sixth work, and the work by Brezeski, the third work, lacks two leaves of preliminaries. This sammelband contains eleven Catholic controversial works of mainly Polish and Lithuanian origin the majority of which are by Jesuit authors. Most of the works could not be located in any institution world-wide. 1. Tyszkiewicz, George (1571-1625) The author of the first work was a long-time professor of philosophy and theology at Posen and at Lubin in addition to serving as rector of many of the different colleges. This work, a response to the second work of Patronus Torunensium that attacked the doctrine of the Jesuits, is not recorded by OCLC and no copies could be located world-wide. Krakow: in Officina Andreae Petricouii S.R.M. Typographi, 1616.

2. Bellarmino, Robert (1542-1621)

Bellarmino, who taught the humanities for many years at Florence, is well known for his controversial literature of which, this work is an example. Bellarmino wrote this work under the pseudoname “Matthaeus Torti” in response to England’s king James I “Triplici nodo triplex cuneus,” an apology for the oath of allegiance and consequently an attack on papal authority which James associated with he antichrist. The “Triplici” first appeared in 1607 and Bellarmino’s response, in 1609. This edition is one of five editions that appeared in 1610. 3. Brzeski, Albertum Stanislaum. Brzeski taught philosophy and theology in the Jesuit school at Alma and this disputation took place on June 21, 1626. Interestingly, the author thanks George Tyszkiewicz, the author of the first work in this volume, as the overseer of the school in which Brzeski teaches. This author is not in Sommervogel and no books by him appear in OCLC. 4. Kaczorowski, Kacorovius (1578-1628) Kaczorowski taught grammar, rhetoric and math. There is an interesting note in De Backer/ Sommervogel questioning the authorship of this work and offering the possibility that it was written under pseudonym. The “Monita” is very much in the vein of other sixteenth and seventeenth century controversial works. Kaczorowski has, as he states on the title page, collected information from the books, sayings and deeds of the Calvinists to produce this attack on their doctrine. One copy only OCLC. First edition Crachow: Typis Francisci Cesarii, 1616

5. Bembus, Matthieu (1567-1645) Bembus entered the Jesuit order in 1587 and soon after taught taught philosophy and theology. He was named rector of Posen and then superior of the house at Crachow before his death in 1645. Joseph Lukaszewicz, another Polish Jesuit and Polish historian, held Bembus in high regard and penned a elegy upon his death in 1645: “in sacred eloquence, he occupies the first rung after father P. Skarga; his sermons are not only a monument of eloquence and style, but a mine of documents for the history of Poland.” TWO copies recorded by OCLC. First edition. [no imprint info, but dated 1615]

6 and 7. Not much is known about these two Polish language works. Neither work is recorded by OCLC. The printer, Roku Panskiego, produced mainly catholic works and these two works join the five works recorded by OCLC (all appearing before 1600) as having been issued from his press. The first work is dated 1616 and the second 1624.

8. Cnoglerus, Quirinus The present work, the “Symbola Tria” was edited by Cnoglerus and was printed with his explanatory notes by a press operated by the Jesuit order in Vilnius, Lithuania. The work consists of parallel columns of extracts from various Catholic, Calvinist and Lutheran authors and Cnoglerus’s commentary on them. Copies are located at the National Library of France, In Sweden at the Kungl. Biblioteket in Stockholm, in addition to four loacations in the United Kingdom including Oxford. Vilnius: Ex officina typographica Societ. IESU, anno, MeDIatorIs ChrIstI [or 1592 or 1602, but probably the latter]

9.and 10 Cnoglerus, Quirinus Another work by Cnoglero follows in this sammelband and like the earlier work, it is another controversial work directed this time against the Calvinists in Vilnius in Lithuania and like the previous work, it was printed by the Jesuits. No copies could be located world-wide. Vilnius, typis acad. societ. IESU. 1603

11. Pikel, Sebastien Very little information is available on this author. Even De Backer / Sommervogel mentions that their records contain little or no information on this author. Pikel wrote one other work that made it to the press, another controversial work printed in 1642 and like the preceding works, executed by the Jesuit press in Vilnius in Lithuania. No copies of this work could be located world-wide. First edition. Vilnius: Typis Academicis Societatis Iesu, 1642.

1. Sommervogel VIII: 331 Oclc 2 copies Rome & Poland 2. Sommervogel I: 1213. Oclc 1 copy Mannheim Germany 3. Not in Sommervogel. Oclc no copies 4. Sommervogel IV: 894. Oclc no copies 5. Sommervogel I: 1279. Oclc 2 copies both Rome 6. Not in any major reference work 7. Not in any major reference work 8. Jocher I: 1977 . Oclc 5 copies 9. Not in any major reference work. 10. Sommervogel VI: 749

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9) 399J Benjamin Jenks

A letter to a gentleman of note, guilty of common swearing. Recommended now to all such of that rank, as are under the same guilt. And fit to be perused by all Their Majesties good subjects, that would please both God, and the king, in helping to suppress this crying sin By B.J

London: London Printed for Randall Taylor 1690. $900

Wing (CD-ROM, 1996),; J618A; McAlpin,; IV, p. 388; ESTC (RLIN),; R008925.kesU

Free Library of Philadelphia

Harvard University

Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery

Princeton Theological Seminary

Union Theological Seminary

Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library

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10). 397J. Balthasar Mentzer, d.ä.

Concordia. Pia et unanimi consensu repetita confessio fidei & doctrinæ electorum : principum et ordinum imperii, atque eorundem theologorum, qui Augustanam confessionem amplectuntur: cui e sacra scriptura unica illa veritatis norma & regula, quorundam articulorum, qui post D. Martini Luther felicem ex hac vita exitum in controversiam venerunt, Solida accessit declaratio. Ante haec tempora communi eorundem electorum, principum ac ordinum imperij consilio, nunc verò singulari Serenissimi Saxoniae electoris Christiani II. mandato, instituendis & erudiendis subditis, Ecclesijs atq[ue] scholis suis, ad posteritatis memoriam typis vulgata.

[bound with]

Exegesis Augustanæ confessionis: cuius articuli XXI. breviter & succincte explicantur & Succincte explicantur, & subiecta antithesei ton heterodoxon Papistarum, Calvinistarum & Photinianorum, illustrantur. Authore Balthasare Mentzero SS. TheologiÆ ejusq olim in Marpurgensi, nunc Giessensi Academia Professore, & stipendiatorum Ephoro. Editio quarta castigatior & multo auctior.

Lipsiæ : Abrahamus Lamberg , Anno 1618. & [bound with] Lubecæ, typis & sumptib. Samuelis Jauchij. M. DC. XVII

Very thick Octavo. 6 1/2 x 3 3/4 inches ; a8-b8, c4, A-Z8, Aa-Zz8Aaa-Lll8. [bound with] (?)8, A-Z8, Aa-Ii8

adII VD17 1:080914U Balthasar Mentzer], a German Lutheran divine, greatly noted for his decided opposition to the Reformed Church theologians, was born in Allendorf Hesse, February 27, 1565. He studied at the University of Marburg, where he excelled by the display of unusual talents and knowledge. After preaching for several years at Kirtorf, he was appointed in 1596 professor of theology at his alma mater. While in this position he was involved in many controversies because of his prince’s tendency towards the doctrines of the Reformed Church. Mentzer was especially radical in his opposition to their views on the doctrine of Ubiquity, on Iconoclasm, the Lord’s Supper, and the Decalogue, and in 1605 was actually forced to quit Marburg, and, together with’ his colleagues, Winckelmann and Leuchter, removed to Giessen; to take a position in the new university founded by landgrave Lewis, and there became one of the most renowned teachers. He died Jan. 6, 1627, at Marburg, to which place the university had been removed in the mean time.

Mentzer was a pure Lutheran; his Christian faith was a truly orthodox belief in the Christological dogma as furnished in the idiomatic and ubiquistic doctrine. He published many works, most of which bore a polemic character. His Latin works were afterwards collected and published by his son: Opera theologica Latina (Frankf. 1669,2 vols. 8vo). His apologetic works against Romanism aid the Reformed Church contain the Exegesis Confessionis Augustance (Giessen, 1603). Similar to this is his Repetitio Chemnitiana. Challenged by the work of the Romanist John Pistorius (Wegweiser fur alle ves fuhrte Christen), he wrote Anti-Pistorius sui disputatio de prcecipuis quibusdam controversis capitibus (Marburg, 16 ( “Engelischer Wegweiser (Marburg, 1603); and many others. He engaged in a controversy with John Crocius, profesor Marburg, against whom he sent forth Abstersio calumniarum J. Crocii, Apologetica, Anticrocia, Collatio Augustance Confessionis cum doctrina Calvini, Bezoe et sociorun (1610). He had also a controversy with John Sadeel, of Paris and Geneva, Matthias Martinius, at Herborn, Paul Stein, at Cassel, Schinfeld, and Pareus: Elencheus errorumn J. Sadeelis in libello de veritate humance naturce Christi (Giessen, 1615): — Elencheus errorunm J. Sadeelis in libello de sacramentali manducatione (Giessen, 1612): Anti Martinius sive modesta et solida responsio, etc. (Giessen, 1612); and many others. These polemics concerning the human nature of Christ, the sacramental use of the Lord’s Supper, and the idiomatic use of impanation, give an idea of the logic of the Reformed criticism and the tenacity of the Lutheran defence. The humanity of Christ, the “Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us,” are the principal points of Mentzer’s theological grounds. He condemns his opponent’s view as Arianistic: ” Non igitur existimo, unquam exstitisse inter Christianos, qui Christo homini vel naturse ejus humanae minus gloriae et auctoritatis et potentale tribuendum censuerint, quam Martinium hunc Freienhagensem” (Anti-Martinius, p. 167). In a communication to Martinius, Mentzer’s assertion, “Ipsa divina pruesentia juxta sacras literas est actio,” provoked another controversy with his colleagues at Giessen, professors Winckelmann and Gisenius. This controversy was settled by the landgrave’s personal interference only, who in 1607 imposed silence and peace on all parties. Mentzer’s principal work is Necessaria et justa defensio contra injustas criminationes L. Osiandri, M. Nicolai, Th. Tummii, in qua multi de persona et officio Christi erroris deteguntur et refutantur (1624). This was answered in 1625 in Thummi’s Acta. In 1618 Mentzer was called to Wolfenbittel to give his opinion on Calixtus’s Epitome theologice. He never went thither, but sent a criticism to his son-in-law, superintendent Wiedeburg, acknowledging the eminent talents of the author, but judging his epitome from his own narrow and exclusive stand-point. See Witten, Mem. Theol. 1:223 sq.; Strieder, Hessische Gelehrtengeschichte, vol. viii; Walch, Relig. Streitigkeiten innerhalb der Luth.-Kirche; also, Streitigkeiten ausserhall der’ Luther. Kirche, 3:505; Henke, Georg. Calixtus, 1:123, 282, 307, 321; 2:23; Memor. Theol. 1:223 sq.; Gasz, Gesch. der protest. Theol. 1:277, 278; Walch, Biblioth. theologica, 2:654; Dorner, Doctrine of the Person of Christ, 2:243 et al. (J. H. W.)

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11) 342G. Jean Hermant 1650-1726

La storia delle eresie, nella quale si descrive con ordine Alfabetico il nome, e la Vita degli Eresiarchi che hanno turbata la Chiesa dalla Nascita di Gesucristo fino a nostri tempi, e gli errori che vi hanno disseminati. Con un Trattato tradotto dal Latino di Alfonso de Castro, Il quale risolve molte Questioni generali intorno all’Eresia

Venezia, Appresso Francesco Pitteri, in Merceria all’Insegna della Fortuna Trionfante, 1735 [Venice: Pitteri, 1735]. $2,800

The first volume is mostly a history of heresies and what makes an heresie. Followed in volume two and three a list of heretics in alphabetical order with brief listings of their crimes from (one of my favorites ) Abelardo to- Zuingliani, it it a little disturbing that I have read most of the books by these guys.. go figure?

Three duodecimo volumes A-Z4 Aa-Zz4 Aaa-Lll4. pp. 448 to first volume, pp. 432 to the second one, pp. 450 (ther last leaf is blank) to the third volume. Text in Italian. Each of the three volumes are bound in full matching vellum binding, handwritten title at spine, marbled edges . Provenance: I. Handwritten inscription to the first fly-leaf of volume I (partially erased), Continet hoc liber xxxx Delle Hesie (sic) Tom Primo | Pro Medarum Biblioteca | Pater Conradus | a | Castro S.ti Joannis | Dicavit | Amodo Rev.di Patres | Mon(a)st(e)ri | permissu. II. On the verso of the front fly-leaf of each volume, handwritten inscription Ad uso del P. Corrado di Castel S. Gio. dedicato alla Lit.a di S. Fra.sco di Medes con licenza del Sup.e Pro.le.

Palau [49088].{CCPB 000353019-1; ICCU.; Toda 6030}

Fascicule XXII 11 more books . Media Plaga ‡ Aprili MMXX 'VIVITUR INGENIO' 392J. Albrecht DÜRER 1471-1528, Translator Giovanni Paolo Gallucci,; 1538-1621? Di Alberto Durero pittore, e geometra chiarissimo.

#Media Plaga #Vivitur Ingenio

0 notes