Tumgik
#serhiy leshchenko
quotesfrommyreading · 8 months
Quote
Although the Ukrainian public largely believed that victory was within grasp, Leshchenko began to understand that the war likely would end not in months, but in years. If the Russians were going to treat the Ukrainians they conquered as vermin, then the occupation of Ukrainian territory was an intolerable concession. And if there weren’t any tolerable concessions to offer, were there any plausible grounds for a negotiated peace?
  —  Ukraine’s War Through Sergii Leshchenko’s Eyes
5 notes · View notes
summeroffice · 2 years
Text
Tumblr media Tumblr media Tumblr media Tumblr media
3 notes · View notes
zvaigzdelasas · 4 months
Text
Ukraine is holding exploratory talks with EU officials on the bloc's future migration rules to try to ensure more of its citizens return home next year and bolster the economy while the war effort puts a massive strain on resources, two EU diplomats familiar with the conversations said.[...]
Seeking a framework that encourages people to come back, the Ukrainians are holding preliminary discussions to map out what EU rules will look like after March 2025, particularly if the EU makes pledges to support refugees for as long as the war drags on. In December, army chiefs told Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy that the army needs to mobilize 500,000 men of fighting age amid the backdrop of a failed summer counteroffensive. Under martial law, Ukrainian men between 18 and 60 are not allowed to travel outside the country but 18 percent of the Ukrainian refugees in Europe are men between 18 and 65, according to numbers from Eurostat. Zelenskyy's Presidential Office Advisor Serhiy Leshchenko's said in an interview with a Swiss paper Saturday: "I believe that host countries should stop supporting refugees so that they can return home."[...]
While Kyiv has not made a formal request to the EU on encouraging refugee returns, the EU diplomats said there was some pressure from the Ukrainian side to tighten the future rules to get people back. One of the diplomats added that, for now, this is not a concrete ask from Ukraine's government, but more exploratory. Both EU diplomats were granted anonymity to speak candidly about conversations.
24 Jan 24
26 notes · View notes
srosuna · 2 years
Photo
Tumblr media
Serhiy Leshchenko, asesor del jefe de la Oficina del Presidente de #Ucrania , dijo que los objetivos de los ataques con misiles en #Kyiv eran instalaciones de infraestructura ferroviaria. https://www.instagram.com/p/CebZz2cucSr/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=
0 notes
marchagainsttrump · 5 years
Photo
Tumblr media
Serhiy Leshchenko, adviser to Ukrainian President Zelenskiy: Biden probe was condition for Trump-Zelenskiy phone call. // "It was clear that [President Donald] Trump will only have communications if they will discuss the Biden case." - [ https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/ukrainians-understood-biden-probe-condition-trump-zelensky-phone/story?id=65863043 ]
2 notes · View notes
wowmagazine2016 · 5 years
Text
Whistle Blowin' In The Wind
Whistle Blowin’ In The Wind
Progressives want to portray any investigation of Biden or the Trump Russia hoax as fundamentally illegitimate.  Is Joe Biden above the law?
We’re getting stuff in a bit of reverse order.  Yesterday, the White House made public the memorialization of the July 25, 2019, phone call between President Trump and President Zelinskyy of Ukraine, the text of which I embedded here.  That phone call, as it…
View On WordPress
1 note · View note
Text
JRL NEWSWATCH: "What the Press Doesn't Know About Ukraine; Reporters will have to ask a lot more questions to understand the missing context of the Trump call" - Wall Street Journal/ Holman W. Jenkins, Jr.
JRL NEWSWATCH: “What the Press Doesn’t Know About Ukraine; Reporters will have to ask a lot more questions to understand the missing context of the Trump call” – Wall Street Journal/ Holman W. Jenkins, Jr.
Tumblr media
“We might not be here if the mainstream media, which loved the Steele Dossier when it seemed to incriminate … Trump, had later shown an equal interest in investigating its origins as a partisan fabrication. In his now-famous transcript … Trump mainly presses Ukraine’s new president for dirt not on the Bidens but on the known unknowns of 2016. ‘I would like you to find out what happened with this…
View On WordPress
0 notes
phroyd · 5 years
Link
In the explosive whistleblower complaint released this week, in which an intelligence official sounds the alarm over Donald Trump’s effort to solicit the help of Ukraine in his bid for re-election, one name is repeated: Rudy Giuliani.
The former New York mayor appears in flashing lights at the top of the document. In the second paragraph, the anonymous whistleblower says: “The president’s personal lawyer, Mr Rudolph Giuliani, is a central figure in this effort.”
The author goes on to refer to Giuliani 31 times, painting a picture of a lawyer who in the service of his old friend and now personal client, Trump, set himself up as a virtual state within a state. Giuliani is accused of circumventing national security protocols as he scurried between Washington and Kyiv carrying private orders from the president, many of dubious legality.
That the man who was hailed as a national hero, “America’s mayor”, in the wake of 9/11 should now find himself accused of undermining national security amid a billowing impeachment scandal is extraordinary in itself. Even more astonishing is that so many of the details of the Ukraine connection have been put into the public domain by Giuliani himself.
He has been so willing to speak openly on cable TV and social media about his dealings with top Ukrainian officials seeking dirt on the leading Democratic presidential candidate, former vice-president Joe Biden, that he has deepened Trump’s legal peril almost on a daily basis.
On Thursday, Giuliani posted a tweet that extended the crisis from the White House to the state department. In the tweet, he reproduced a July text message from Kurt Volker, then US special representative to Ukraine, introducing Giuliani to a key adviser of the Ukrainian president.
The chilling undertone of the tweet was unmistakable: if I’m going down, you’re going down with me.
Giuliani’s overseas consulting work in eastern Europe stretches back to the mid-2000s. But his prominence in Ukraine grew after Trump’s 2016 victory, when he parlayed his close relationship with the president into security contracts and speaking appearances.
By his own account, Giuliani’s fixation with the country began last November when, he told Fox News, he was approached by a “very significant distinguished investigator”. He has not named the investigator, though the whistleblower’s complaint and other sources have illuminated close ties between the former mayor, Yuriy Lutsenko, who until last month was Ukraine’s chief prosecutor, and Lutsenko’s predecessor, Viktor Shokin.
As the complaint sets out, Giuliani met Lutsenko at least twice: in New York in January and in Warsaw the following month. The timing of those encounters could be important in the rapidly unfolding impeachment inquiry in Washington, as they came at a key moment for Lutsenko.
The prosecutor was facing growing criticism in Kyiv over stalled investigations into corruption. In November 2018, when Giuliani says he began to focus on the country, Lutsenko offered to resign after a young anti-corruption activist, Kateryna Handziuk, died from a sulphuric acid attack.
Lutsenko stayed in office. But the Guardian has learned that he began seeking a lifeline to the US, in the hope it might save him as difficulties back home intensified.
That lifeline was Giuliani.
“[Lutsenko] strongly needed some political ally, he believed that Giuliani could convey specific messages to Trump, and he created this message to become more interesting to the American establishment,” said a law enforcement source familiar with the Giuliani-Lutsenko connection.
That Giuliani might have been fed information by Ukraine’s then-top prosecutor that was adulterated to make it more appealing to Trump is a startling potential twist in the developing scandal.
According to the Guardian’s source, Lutsenko appeared in conversation with Giuliani to have invented a “don’t prosecute” list he claimed was given to him by the then US ambassador to Kyiv, Marie Yovanovitch – news of which apparently made its way up to Trump.
Yovanovitch was abruptly removed in May after Giuliani pressed for changes in the embassy. Giuliani has since claimed without evidence that the “don’t prosecute” list was part of a liberal anti-Trump conspiracy that included Yovanovitch and was bankrolled by the philanthropist George Soros.
The US state department has dismissed the claim as an “outright fabrication”.
‘Very helpful to my client’
Ukraine’s main attraction for Giuliani was the hope it might provide valuable damaging intelligence on Biden, who launched his presidential bid in April. Both Giuliani and Trump have grown increasingly excited by a conspiracy theory that in 2016 Biden pressurized Ukraine to fire its then chief prosecutor, Shokin.
Under this theory, Biden wanted Shokin out because he was investigating the vice-president’s son, Hunter Biden, who sat on the board of a major Ukrainian gas company, Burisma. Several attempts to fact check the story that Biden acted corruptly to protect his son have found it to be false.
Here too, there is a suggestion that Lutsenko may have intentionally misrepresented the Burisma investigation to Giuliani, raising doubts about Hunter Biden’s activities, as a ruse to catch the attention of Trump.
“Mr Biden and his son were never the subjects of this investigation,” the Guardian was told by the source with knowledge of Lutsenko’s ties to the New York lawyer.
Lutsenko later changed his tune, and told the Washington Post this week Hunter Biden had done nothing wrong.
“From the perspective of Ukrainian legislation, he did not violate anything,” the former prosecutor said.
As the Ukraine affair has deepened, the extent of Guiliani’s efforts to put flesh on the bones of his anti-Biden conspiracy theory has become clear. In addition to his meetings with Lutsenko, he made contact with a further four former Ukrainian prosecutors, including a Skype call to Shokin.
Those efforts reached fever pitch in May when Giuliani laid plans to visit the president-elect, Volodymyr Zelenskiy. Serhiy Leshchenko, a journalist and former member of parliament who advised Zelenskiy during his campaign, said he believed Giuliani was urgently trying to meet the president-elect before his 20 May inauguration, after which their interaction could be restricted by protocol.
We know what Giuliani wanted to talk to Zelenskiy about because Giuliani, true to form, told us. In an interview with the New York Times on 9 May, he said he wanted to encourage the new government to investigate the Bidens, saying “that information will be very, very helpful to my client”.
The backlash to his announced plan to engage with Ukraine for Trump’s political benefit was so intense that he cancelled the May visit. He diverted instead to Spain, where he met Andriy Yermak – he now claims at the instigation of the state department.
What did Giuliani say to Yermak, a top adviser to the new Ukrainian government?
“Just investigate the darn things,” he said, referring to the Bidens and other matters beneficial to Trump’s re-election hopes.
It is a sign of Giuliani’s imperviousness to public condemnation – some would say to reason – that he continues to dig himself and his client deeper into a hole. It could have serious consequences for them both.
Leshchenko believes Giuliani is in peril too.
“He was involved in international politics and trying to blackmail the Ukrainian government,” he said. “It should be a cause for an investigation.”
Phroyd
9 notes · View notes
Text
Despite all the tension of the bunker, its ethos felt familiar to him. When Leshchenko had first met Zelensky, he’d noticed that he shared his office with a pair of brothers, Boris and Serhiy Shefir. They were longtime producers in Zelensky’s entertainment empire, like-minded comedic talents. Zelensky fed off their jokes. He liked to stay close to the creative process. Even after he left entertainment for politics, his inner circle still had the informality and bonhomie of a writers’ room.
Somehow, the windowless bunker retained the same camaraderie. Most public figures would scoff at living with their closest aides, but it suited Zelensky. “We lived like a family,” Leshchenko told me. As he observed the president at close distance, it struck him: “He doesn’t like to be alone.” Zelensky’s extroversion propelled him to talk through every decision. “He liked to be able to see the reaction to his ideas.” The close company of his advisers allowed him to socialize the burden of running a nation at war.
When Leshchenko went to the bunker’s canteen or stuck his head into a colleague’s office, he would often bump into the president, who would quiz him: “What’s the news?” When an adviser expressed his horror at a video of wartime destruction—or discovered a hilarious meme—Zelensky would crowd around a laptop along with everyone else.
Zelensky let his generals manage the war, which felt far beyond his own capacities. But there was another war, the one for hearts and minds, which the president made his own. Leshchenko became one of his foot soldiers.
  —  Ukraine’s War Through Sergii Leshchenko’s Eyes
11 notes · View notes
political-fluffle · 5 years
Photo
Tumblr media
https://twitter.com/joshrogin/status/1177049958907879425
@murraywaas on Giuliani: "The Ukrainian initiative appears to have begun in service of formulating a rationale by which the president could pardon Manafort, as part of an effort to undermine the special counsel’s investigation." Wow.
https://www.nybooks.com/daily/2019/09/25/trump-giuliani-and-manafort-the-ukraine-scheme/ … @nybooks
“In particular, the records show that Manafort’s camp provided Giuliani with information designed to smear two people: one was a Ukrainian journalist and political activist named Serhiy Leshchenko, whom Manafort believed, correctly, of helping to uncover Manafort’s secret payments from Yanukovych; another was Alexandra Chalupa, a Ukrainian-American political consultant and US citizen, whom Manafort suspected, mistakenly in this case, was also behind the exposé. The records also show that Giuliani and attorneys for Manafort exchanged info about then US ambassador to Ukraine, Marie Yovanovitch, who Giuliani believed had attempted to undercut his covert diplomacy & fact-finding; the records are unclear as to whether it was Giuliani or Manafort’s attorney who first initiated their discussion about her.”
2 notes · View notes
awesomenezz · 7 years
Text
JahLike - "Cyber Grinding" (@jahlike301)
JahLike – “Cyber Grinding” (@jahlike301)
JahLike and Nabu have proven to be a potent combination before, and the frequent collaborators are back again with a smooth new cut entitled “Cyber Grinding.” Jah glides across Nabu’s sleek production with ease, coming correct with some nice verses and a dope hook to boot. https://soundcloud.com/jahlike301/jahlike-x-cybergrinding Related articles NGOs Adopt Declaration to Create Mediterranean ECA…
View On WordPress
0 notes
bountyofbeads · 5 years
Text
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/ukrainian-leaders-feel-trapped-between-warring-washington-factions/2019/09/21/f0ff90ac-dbf1-11e9-a1a5-162b8a9c9ca2_story.html?outputType=amp&__twitter_impression=true
“The ultimate beneficiary of all this story is Russia,” said Daria Kaleniuk, the executive director of the Anti-Corruption Action Center, a clean-governance organization in Kiev.
Already, some Ukrainians worry that Zelensky may have offered too much to Trump’s team.
Ukrainian leaders feel trapped between warring Washington factions 
By Michael Birnbaum and David L. Stern | Published September 21, 2019 9:32 PM ET | Washington Post | Posted September 22, 2019 10:40 AM ET |
KIEV, Ukraine — Ukrainian leaders are trapped in the middle of a very Washington firefight, facing mounting pressure from President Trump and his allies to investigate the son of political rival Joe Biden, and are searching for a way to escape.
They could give in to Trump’s demand to open an inquiry into the Ukrainian business dealings of Hunter Biden and risk the anger of Democrats and others for engaging in what those interests would see as interference in the 2020 elections. Or the Ukrainians could defy Trump and face the wrath of a president who had frozen $250 million of crucial military assistance for mysterious reasons before releasing it earlier this month.
Either way, they risk cracking the bipartisan consensus that has firmly supported Ukraine against Russia since 2014, when the Kremlin annexed Ukraine’s Crimea region and stoked war in Ukraine’s east. If Ukraine becomes associated with one U.S. political party or the other, it could jeopardize ties with its most important security backer.
“It’s a diplomatic disaster for our relations with the United States,” said Alyona Getmanchuk, the director of the New Europe Center, a Kiev-based foreign policy think tank. “I don’t know what could be the way out of this story.”
The predicament could come to a head Wednesday, when Trump is to sit down, for the first time, with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York.
Zelensky has sought the meeting for months, seeing it as a way to demonstrate U.S. support for a country that is still fighting a war in its east and enduring Russia’s annexation of Crimea. Trump has been reluctant, and he pressed Zelensky about Biden in a July phone conversation that is the subject of an extraordinary intelligence community whistleblower complaint.
In an interview with Ukrainian television station Hromadske that aired on Saturday, Foreign Minister Vadym Prystaiko denied that Trump had pressured Zelensky during the phone call.
“I know what the conversation was about, and I think there was no pressure,” he said. “There was talk, conversations are different, leaders have the right to discuss any problems that exist. This conversation was long, friendly, and it touched on a lot of questions, including those requiring serious answers.”
Diplomats, politicians and analysts inside and outside Ukraine said Saturday that Ukraine was in a precarious position.
“Really couldn’t get worse” for Kiev, said a senior European diplomat, speaking on the condition of anonymity to avoid aggravating the situation.
Zelensky — who until recently was a comedian with no political experience — will have to tread carefully. A misstep could further inflame the situation in Washington, costing Ukraine its ties either to Republican or Democratic lawmakers.
Since Trump has embraced Russian President Vladimir Putin and questioned both NATO and the reasons to support Ukraine, the bipartisan backing for the country in Congress has come to represent the main U.S. security guarantee for Kiev. If that were eroded, Ukraine could be in an especially dangerous position.
“Our vital interest is to ensure and to protect and to strengthen the bipartisan support for Ukraine,” said Danylo Lubkivsky, a former Ukrainian deputy foreign minister. “This is not all about Ukraine. Don’t impose some domestic issues, problems on Ukraine, while Ukraine fights against Russia’s aggression and struggles for its independence and freedom.”
Trump’s freeze on Ukraine aid draws new scrutiny amid push for Biden investigation
Zelensky is also talking about meeting with Putin as well as with the leaders of France and Germany in the coming weeks to try to hammer out a settlement to the conflict that is in its fifth year. That makes the uproar in Washington especially unsettling, because it weakens Ukraine’s negotiating position.
Zelensky has been more open to Russia than his predecessor, negotiating a major prisoner swap with the Kremlin in addition to suggesting discussions with Putin.
“The ultimate beneficiary of all this story is Russia,” said Daria Kaleniuk, the executive director of the Anti-Corruption Action Center, a clean-governance organization in Kiev.
Already, some Ukrainians worry that Zelensky may have offered too much to Trump’s team.
“Just stay away from it. It is not our story. There is nothing to gain, there is lots to lose,” said Victoria Voytsitska, a former Ukrainian lawmaker who was swept into office in 2014 in a wave of Western-oriented activists who entered politics after the political upheavals that year.
Using an investigation “as a tool to say we’re reopening this to provide a benefit, leverage to a particular candidate, would be a mistake,” she said.
Days after the July phone conversation between Trump and Zelensky, Trump’s personal lawyer Rudolph W. Giuliani followed up with an in-person meeting with Andriy Yermak, a top Zelensky aide, in Madrid, Giuliani said. Giuliani said that he met with Yermak to suggest two matters for investigation and that Yermak indicated the Ukrainians were open to pursuing the investigations. Yermak did not respond to a request for comment.
How Trump and Giuliani pressured Ukraine to investigate the president’s rivals
The first matter concerned allegations that Ukraine’s government colluded with Democrats in 2016 to try to derail Trump’s presidential bid.
During the 2016 presidential campaign, the release of a ledger documenting millions of dollars of off-books payments from the former Ukrainian government to Paul Manafort helped lead to Manafort’s ouster as Trump’s campaign chairman. Manafort had been a consultant to Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, the Russia-friendly leader who was forced to resign in 2014.
Giuliani said that the release of that information was part of a coordinated campaign by the Ukrainian government to help Democrats. He offered no evidence.
Serhiy Leshchenko, the Ukrainian lawmaker who revealed the ledger, says he released the information to try to fight corruption in Ukraine, not intervene in U.S. politics.
The second matter raised by Giuliani involved a probe of the Ukrainian gas tycoon who put Hunter Biden on the board of his company Burisma.
In 2016, then-Vice President Biden demanded the ouster of Ukraine’s top law enforcement official, Prosecutor General Viktor Shokin.
Trump and Giuliani have accused the elder Biden of pushing for Shokin’s dismissal to protect Hunter Biden from an investigation into Burisma.
But it is unclear how seriously Shokin was pursuing Burisma at the time he was forced out. Diplomats said at the time that Shokin’s ouster was tied to Western worries about corruption in Ukraine’s justice system. Washington’s concerns were widely shared by Ukraine’s European partners, and they embraced Shokin’s departure.
“The Fake News Media and their partner, the Democrat Party, want to stay as far away as possible from the Joe Biden demand that the Ukrainian Government fire a prosecutor who was investigating his son,” Trump wrote Saturday on Twitter.
Biden said Saturday that he had never spoken with his son about his business in Ukraine and accused Trump of “doing this because he knows I will beat him like a drum.”
1 note · View note
joseleitefilho43 · 2 years
Text
Assessor de Zelenskiy nega rejeição à visita do presidente alemão
Assessor de Zelenskiy nega rejeição à visita do presidente alemão
O assessor presidencial ucraniano Serhiy Leshchenko negou nesta quarta-feira (13), em entrevista à CNN, que o presidente Wolodymyr Zelenskiy tenha rejeitado oferta de visita do presidente alemão, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, conforme noticiado pelo jornal Bild Steinmeier disse ontem que havia planejado visitar Kiev, em companhia dos presidentes da Polônia, Estônia, Lituânia e Letônia, “para enviar…
Tumblr media
View On WordPress
0 notes
marchagainsttrump · 5 years
Photo
Tumblr media
Serhiy Leshchenko, adviser to Ukrainian President Zelenskiy: Biden probe was condition for Trump-Zelenskiy phone call. // "It was clear that [President Donald] Trump will only have communications if they will discuss the Biden case." - [ https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/ukrainians-understood-biden-probe-condition-trump-zelensky-phone/story?id=65863043 ]
0 notes
remixinc · 4 years
Video
vimeo
Jack Daniels - Make It Count (Director's Cut) from Ian Pons Jewell on Vimeo.
Director: Ian Pons Jewell DOP: Mauro Chiarello Prod Co: RESET EP: Deannie O'Neil Producer: Jon Adams Costume: Ameena Kara Callender Production Design: Robin Brown Casting: Kharmel Cochrane Editor: Tobias Suhm @ Whitehouse Post Music: Gershwin - Rhapsody In Blue Arrangements & Music Editing: Lorenzo Piggici Sound: Wave Colourist: Luke Morrison @ ETC Online: Carbon 1st AD: James Dyer Director's Assistant: Emmanuelle Le Chat Service Co: RADIOAKTIVE
Agency: Energy BBDO Chief Creative Officers: Josh Gross & Pedro Pérez Chief Innovation Officer: Alan Parker Creative Directors: Lucas Owens & Monique Kaplan Associate Creative Directors: Jordan Sparrow & Ricky Johanet Design Director: Hung Vinh Head of Integrated Production: John Pratt Executive Producer: Jeff Davis Producer: John Paul Ward
RADIOAKTIVE CREW: Sasha Bevka - Executive Producer Olya Kosenko - Producer UA David Kharaishvili - Art Director Aleksei Gordienko - Location Sergio Ristenko - Casting Manager Misha Voropay - Casting Manager Leo Sidorenko - Gaffer Vadim Yuzba - 1st AD Ulyana Magas - 2nd AD Sergii Kolesnyk - Focus Puller Denis Ryskal - Sound Oleg Belozor - Dolly / Key Grip Valentyn Grib - DIT/Playback Vasya Bondarenko - Wardrobe Marta Skalska - MUA Yulia Sotnikova - PM Egor Pogrebnyak - Unit Manager Vova Altsybeev - PA Yulia Voloshchuk - PA Anna Refel - Chaperone Eugene Larionov - Chaperone Liza Ashon - Chaperone
CAMERA
Serhii Kolesnyk Vadim Dubas Serhii Trush
SOUND Bogdan Zinkevich
PLAYBACK
Ihor Alistratov Eugene Malyshev Viktor Bondar Vitalii Shchetinin Max Suhovei
DOLLY
Aleksander Dubovoi Valeri Legosha
LIGHT Eugene Scherbak Dmytro Remez Aleksandr Getman Vladimir Akulov Vladimir Tsykalo Oleg Egorov Aleksander Kasanchuk Artem Tishchenko Andrew Gorovoi Vlad Rybak Nikita Fadeev Artem Seryi
MAKE UP
Anna Rebrikova Olga Epuri
WARDROBE
Vasyl Bondarenko Eugene Zdorovylo Eugene Grygorrenko Maria Plodunova
ART DEPT
Oryna Stetsenko Kostya Mikhno Serhii Koryagin Gamlet Grygoryan Andrew Luch Dmytro Fede Oleg Semako Aleksander Sagal Eugene Shvydler Oleg Leshchenko Ihor Kuzmenko Yuri Panasenko Vahtang Parjanadze Eugene Nagorny Dmytro Sychev Bogdan Pylavskiy Vasyl Bondarchyk Vasyl Tkachuk Vitali Kozovenko Maksym Masnenko Vlad Olyinyk Edyard Gotsylyak Dmytro Olyinik Ruslan Pavlenko
UNIT
Anatolii Koval Yuri Ponomarenko Anatoli Oleshko Oleksei Vodopianov
CATERING
Marina Borovleva Bagrat Masuelyan Elisei Homenko Denys Kudryashov Rostislav Ryabchenko
CAST
Grace Anajembe Ivanov Sasha Toure Serigne Godun Andriy Evchin Pavel Scherbak Yura Egay Sasha Zinchenko Katya Skisov Evgeniy Zorov Igor Ibragimov Bahtoyor Alla Bebechko Zhanna Tsoy Emad William / Pan Averina Nastya Kotenko Vasiliy Nnadi Collins Timofeieva Lidia Barkhiyan Avik Hanna Daniel Rozalina Bohgdanovich Gulnaz Desupova Kara Natalya Alina Oleinik Dmytro Lanshin Mikhail Karapschenko Innesa Nikolulias Lida Timofeeva
0 notes
Text
His briefings were a small part of how the Zelensky administration had overcome a historic impediment to Ukrainian democracy. When the country emerged from the Soviet Union, its people harbored a radical distrust of the state. The government was “them”—a distant entity that never represented or reflected the public interest. Not incorrectly, it was viewed as a mechanism oligarchs used for plunder. But in wartime, with the benefit of an external enemy, the government became “us”—a body worthy of trust, more organically connected to its citizenry. When its official mouthpieces, including Leshchenko, conveyed a message, the public tended to heed it—more so, at least, than it would have in the past.
  —  Ukraine’s War Through Sergii Leshchenko’s Eyes
1 note · View note