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#Vishinsky
afhn1cgsh · 1 year
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foodistanbul · 5 months
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Suppression of Political Opponents and Dubious Elections
Soviet Influence and Opposition Defiance (January 1946)
In January 1946, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky arrived in Sofia, pushing for the Moscow decision’s implementation. He met with Nicholas Petkov, leader of the United Democratic Opposition, and insisted on compliance with Stalin’s orders. Petkov, defiant, emphasized his allegiance to the people and his organization, not foreign officials. Following Petkov’s lead, Social Democratic leader Kosta Lulchev also refused to join the Cabinet.
Dubious Elections for Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Communist-dominated Sofia regime, in 1946, decided to hold new elections for a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting and adopting a new constitution. The elections occurred on October 27, 1946, marked by a wave of terror against Bulgarians. Over twenty Democratic Opposition candidates or supporters were killed, while thousands faced harassment, arrests, and torture. Prior to the elections, the Communist secret police seized and beat opposition delegates at polling stations, allowing mostly Communist representatives to tally votes. The opposition had limited verification of the officially reported results Daily Tours Istanbul.
Unrepresentative Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Constituent Assembly resulting from these elections comprised 364 Communists and fellow travelers, with only 101 deputies representing the Democratic Opposition. This Assembly, elected amid a notorious reign of terror, did not truly reflect the Bulgarian people’s will. Despite this, a sizable opposition group of 92 deputies from the Peasant Party, 8 from the Social Democratic Party, and 1 Independent Intellectual was established. Throughout the winter of 1946-1947, leaders of the Democratic Opposition, notably Nicholas Petkov, utilized their constitutional and parliamentary immunity to condemn overt Communist tactics of intimidation and persecution.
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travelistanbul · 5 months
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Suppression of Political Opponents and Dubious Elections
Soviet Influence and Opposition Defiance (January 1946)
In January 1946, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky arrived in Sofia, pushing for the Moscow decision’s implementation. He met with Nicholas Petkov, leader of the United Democratic Opposition, and insisted on compliance with Stalin’s orders. Petkov, defiant, emphasized his allegiance to the people and his organization, not foreign officials. Following Petkov’s lead, Social Democratic leader Kosta Lulchev also refused to join the Cabinet.
Dubious Elections for Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Communist-dominated Sofia regime, in 1946, decided to hold new elections for a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting and adopting a new constitution. The elections occurred on October 27, 1946, marked by a wave of terror against Bulgarians. Over twenty Democratic Opposition candidates or supporters were killed, while thousands faced harassment, arrests, and torture. Prior to the elections, the Communist secret police seized and beat opposition delegates at polling stations, allowing mostly Communist representatives to tally votes. The opposition had limited verification of the officially reported results Daily Tours Istanbul.
Unrepresentative Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Constituent Assembly resulting from these elections comprised 364 Communists and fellow travelers, with only 101 deputies representing the Democratic Opposition. This Assembly, elected amid a notorious reign of terror, did not truly reflect the Bulgarian people’s will. Despite this, a sizable opposition group of 92 deputies from the Peasant Party, 8 from the Social Democratic Party, and 1 Independent Intellectual was established. Throughout the winter of 1946-1947, leaders of the Democratic Opposition, notably Nicholas Petkov, utilized their constitutional and parliamentary immunity to condemn overt Communist tactics of intimidation and persecution.
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istanbulpalaces · 5 months
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Suppression of Political Opponents and Dubious Elections
Soviet Influence and Opposition Defiance (January 1946)
In January 1946, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky arrived in Sofia, pushing for the Moscow decision’s implementation. He met with Nicholas Petkov, leader of the United Democratic Opposition, and insisted on compliance with Stalin’s orders. Petkov, defiant, emphasized his allegiance to the people and his organization, not foreign officials. Following Petkov’s lead, Social Democratic leader Kosta Lulchev also refused to join the Cabinet.
Dubious Elections for Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Communist-dominated Sofia regime, in 1946, decided to hold new elections for a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting and adopting a new constitution. The elections occurred on October 27, 1946, marked by a wave of terror against Bulgarians. Over twenty Democratic Opposition candidates or supporters were killed, while thousands faced harassment, arrests, and torture. Prior to the elections, the Communist secret police seized and beat opposition delegates at polling stations, allowing mostly Communist representatives to tally votes. The opposition had limited verification of the officially reported results Daily Tours Istanbul.
Unrepresentative Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Constituent Assembly resulting from these elections comprised 364 Communists and fellow travelers, with only 101 deputies representing the Democratic Opposition. This Assembly, elected amid a notorious reign of terror, did not truly reflect the Bulgarian people’s will. Despite this, a sizable opposition group of 92 deputies from the Peasant Party, 8 from the Social Democratic Party, and 1 Independent Intellectual was established. Throughout the winter of 1946-1947, leaders of the Democratic Opposition, notably Nicholas Petkov, utilized their constitutional and parliamentary immunity to condemn overt Communist tactics of intimidation and persecution.
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istanbul-day · 5 months
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Suppression of Political Opponents and Dubious Elections
Soviet Influence and Opposition Defiance (January 1946)
In January 1946, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky arrived in Sofia, pushing for the Moscow decision’s implementation. He met with Nicholas Petkov, leader of the United Democratic Opposition, and insisted on compliance with Stalin’s orders. Petkov, defiant, emphasized his allegiance to the people and his organization, not foreign officials. Following Petkov’s lead, Social Democratic leader Kosta Lulchev also refused to join the Cabinet.
Dubious Elections for Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Communist-dominated Sofia regime, in 1946, decided to hold new elections for a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting and adopting a new constitution. The elections occurred on October 27, 1946, marked by a wave of terror against Bulgarians. Over twenty Democratic Opposition candidates or supporters were killed, while thousands faced harassment, arrests, and torture. Prior to the elections, the Communist secret police seized and beat opposition delegates at polling stations, allowing mostly Communist representatives to tally votes. The opposition had limited verification of the officially reported results Daily Tours Istanbul.
Unrepresentative Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Constituent Assembly resulting from these elections comprised 364 Communists and fellow travelers, with only 101 deputies representing the Democratic Opposition. This Assembly, elected amid a notorious reign of terror, did not truly reflect the Bulgarian people’s will. Despite this, a sizable opposition group of 92 deputies from the Peasant Party, 8 from the Social Democratic Party, and 1 Independent Intellectual was established. Throughout the winter of 1946-1947, leaders of the Democratic Opposition, notably Nicholas Petkov, utilized their constitutional and parliamentary immunity to condemn overt Communist tactics of intimidation and persecution.
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istanbulifest · 5 months
Photo
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Suppression of Political Opponents and Dubious Elections
Soviet Influence and Opposition Defiance (January 1946)
In January 1946, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky arrived in Sofia, pushing for the Moscow decision’s implementation. He met with Nicholas Petkov, leader of the United Democratic Opposition, and insisted on compliance with Stalin’s orders. Petkov, defiant, emphasized his allegiance to the people and his organization, not foreign officials. Following Petkov’s lead, Social Democratic leader Kosta Lulchev also refused to join the Cabinet.
Dubious Elections for Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Communist-dominated Sofia regime, in 1946, decided to hold new elections for a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting and adopting a new constitution. The elections occurred on October 27, 1946, marked by a wave of terror against Bulgarians. Over twenty Democratic Opposition candidates or supporters were killed, while thousands faced harassment, arrests, and torture. Prior to the elections, the Communist secret police seized and beat opposition delegates at polling stations, allowing mostly Communist representatives to tally votes. The opposition had limited verification of the officially reported results Daily Tours Istanbul.
Unrepresentative Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Constituent Assembly resulting from these elections comprised 364 Communists and fellow travelers, with only 101 deputies representing the Democratic Opposition. This Assembly, elected amid a notorious reign of terror, did not truly reflect the Bulgarian people’s will. Despite this, a sizable opposition group of 92 deputies from the Peasant Party, 8 from the Social Democratic Party, and 1 Independent Intellectual was established. Throughout the winter of 1946-1947, leaders of the Democratic Opposition, notably Nicholas Petkov, utilized their constitutional and parliamentary immunity to condemn overt Communist tactics of intimidation and persecution.
0 notes
bookingistanbul · 5 months
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Suppression of Political Opponents and Dubious Elections
Soviet Influence and Opposition Defiance (January 1946)
In January 1946, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky arrived in Sofia, pushing for the Moscow decision’s implementation. He met with Nicholas Petkov, leader of the United Democratic Opposition, and insisted on compliance with Stalin’s orders. Petkov, defiant, emphasized his allegiance to the people and his organization, not foreign officials. Following Petkov’s lead, Social Democratic leader Kosta Lulchev also refused to join the Cabinet.
Dubious Elections for Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Communist-dominated Sofia regime, in 1946, decided to hold new elections for a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting and adopting a new constitution. The elections occurred on October 27, 1946, marked by a wave of terror against Bulgarians. Over twenty Democratic Opposition candidates or supporters were killed, while thousands faced harassment, arrests, and torture. Prior to the elections, the Communist secret police seized and beat opposition delegates at polling stations, allowing mostly Communist representatives to tally votes. The opposition had limited verification of the officially reported results Daily Tours Istanbul.
Unrepresentative Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Constituent Assembly resulting from these elections comprised 364 Communists and fellow travelers, with only 101 deputies representing the Democratic Opposition. This Assembly, elected amid a notorious reign of terror, did not truly reflect the Bulgarian people’s will. Despite this, a sizable opposition group of 92 deputies from the Peasant Party, 8 from the Social Democratic Party, and 1 Independent Intellectual was established. Throughout the winter of 1946-1947, leaders of the Democratic Opposition, notably Nicholas Petkov, utilized their constitutional and parliamentary immunity to condemn overt Communist tactics of intimidation and persecution.
0 notes
istanbulsguide · 5 months
Photo
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Suppression of Political Opponents and Dubious Elections
Soviet Influence and Opposition Defiance (January 1946)
In January 1946, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky arrived in Sofia, pushing for the Moscow decision’s implementation. He met with Nicholas Petkov, leader of the United Democratic Opposition, and insisted on compliance with Stalin’s orders. Petkov, defiant, emphasized his allegiance to the people and his organization, not foreign officials. Following Petkov’s lead, Social Democratic leader Kosta Lulchev also refused to join the Cabinet.
Dubious Elections for Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Communist-dominated Sofia regime, in 1946, decided to hold new elections for a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting and adopting a new constitution. The elections occurred on October 27, 1946, marked by a wave of terror against Bulgarians. Over twenty Democratic Opposition candidates or supporters were killed, while thousands faced harassment, arrests, and torture. Prior to the elections, the Communist secret police seized and beat opposition delegates at polling stations, allowing mostly Communist representatives to tally votes. The opposition had limited verification of the officially reported results Daily Tours Istanbul.
Unrepresentative Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Constituent Assembly resulting from these elections comprised 364 Communists and fellow travelers, with only 101 deputies representing the Democratic Opposition. This Assembly, elected amid a notorious reign of terror, did not truly reflect the Bulgarian people’s will. Despite this, a sizable opposition group of 92 deputies from the Peasant Party, 8 from the Social Democratic Party, and 1 Independent Intellectual was established. Throughout the winter of 1946-1947, leaders of the Democratic Opposition, notably Nicholas Petkov, utilized their constitutional and parliamentary immunity to condemn overt Communist tactics of intimidation and persecution.
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cleowho · 5 years
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“What is all this?”
Planet of Evil - season 13 - 1975
#Four in Order - 07/42 A Fourth Doctor-era GIFset each day, in story order.
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redtededd · 5 years
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The quotes was said by Soviet Delegation Andrey/Andrei Vishinsky and Carlos P. Romulo, respectively, in the Third UN General Assembly on 1948 in Paris, France.
USSR: You are just a little man from a little country. Philippines: It is the duty of the little Davids of this world to fling the pebbles of truth in the eyes of the blustering Goliaths and force them to behave.
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leftpress · 5 years
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louisproyect | July 10th 2019 | Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant Marxist
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On their Gray Zone website, Max Blumenthal and his mini-me Ben Norton (aka Ned Borton) have just come out with a 5,600 word diatribe against the Socialism 2019 Conference in Chicago. Most people still tethered to the planet would understand that the main political questions raised by the DSA/ex-ISO conference was whether support for Democratic Party candidates is tactically permissible. Instead, the two geniuses were playing Vishinsky-like prosecuting attorneys making the case that “Socialism is now apparently brought to you by the US State Department”.
They dug up every connection that conference speakers had to inside-the-beltway NGOs and government agencies like the NED to read the DSA and ex-ISOers out of the radical movement. One would think that these two nitwits would put more energy into helping the left put together a conference that did not have such nefarious ties. I can recommend some left groups that are as unsullied as them: Workers World, the Party for Socialism and Liberation, the Socialist Equality Party, the Spartacist League and Socialist Action. These five groups have never been implicated in smoke-filled room deals with officials of the Deep State, to be sure. In fact, if all of them got together to stage a Communism 2019 Conference, they wouldn’t need to line up a Hyatt hotel. A church basement would do just fine.
To turn NED funding, or any other such body, into a litmus test as to a group’s leftist credentials is a problematic methodology. Its main problem is that it turns the nation-state into the unit of analysis rather than the social class.
For example, they excoriate the China Labour Bulletin for taking money from the NED but do not say anything about what it stands for. If you go to their website, you’ll find articles, for example, on coal mine safety in China that contains such data:
The Daping coal mine in Zhengzhou, Henan province, where 148 people died in a gas explosion on 20 October 2004, had been inspected and approved for an annual production capacity of 900,000 tonnes. In 2003, the mine produced 1.32 million tonnes of coal, and from January to September 2004 it had already produced 960,000 tonnes. Similarly, the Sunjiawan coal mine in Liaoning province, where a gas explosion killed at least 214 miners on 14 February 2005, had been approved for a production capacity of 900,000 tonnes, but its actual output in 2004 was 1.48 million tonnes. The Shenlong coal mine in Fukang county, Xinjiang province, where 83 miners died in a gas explosion on 11 July 2005, had a safe production capacity of only 30,000 tonnes, but during the first half of 2005 alone it had already produced almost 180,000 tonnes of coal.
You will find absolutely nothing about “regime change” in the CLB. It is simply one of the few voices Chinese workers have making their case. If the NED provides funding for their work, there is no stigma as long as the money comes with no-strings-attached.
The truth is that the NED and similar bodies from George Soros’s Open Foundation to Human Rights Watch will always try to take advantage of protests in every corner of the world in order to influence them. Why would anybody expect anything different? To be consistent, you’d have to condemn the student movement in Egypt in 2011 in the same way you condemn CLB. In fact, Global Research—Gray Zone’s closest relative—did exactly that. Tony Cartalucci put it this way in an article titled “The US Engineered “Arab Spring”: The NGO Raids in Egypt”:
It is hardly a speculative theory then, that the uprisings were part of an immense geopolitical campaign conceived in the West and carried out through its proxies with the assistance of disingenuous organizations including NED, NDI, IRI, and Freedom House and the stable of NGOs they maintain throughout the world. Preparations for the “Arab Spring” began not as unrest had already begun, but years before the first “fist” was raised, and within seminar rooms in D.C. and New York, US-funded training facilities in Serbia, and camps held in neighboring countries, not within the Arab World itself.
In 2008, Egyptian activists from the now infamous April 6 movement were in New York City for the inaugural Alliance of Youth Movements (AYM) summit, also known as Movements.org. There, they received training, networking opportunities, and support from AYM’s various corporate and US governmental sponsors, including the US State Department itself. The AYM 2008 summit report states that the Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, James Glassman attended, as did Jared Cohen who sits on the policy planning staff of the Office of the Secretary of State. Six other State Department staff members and advisers would also attend the summit along with an immense list of corporate, media, and institutional representatives.
Can you tell the difference between Tony Cartalucci and the Gray Zone? I can’t.
Much venom is sprayed at Anand Gopal and Dan La Botz for the same kinds of reasons. Gopal is an acclaimed journalist who has made repeated trips to Syria from Turkey without Baathist approval. As with other reporters who refuse to write propaganda for the dictatorship, he had to find other ways to interview Syrians. He would crawl beneath a barbed wire fence on the border and follow painted rocks that were place there by villagers to avoid land mines. In a talk on Syria recently, Gopal argued that part of the explanation for the failure of the revolution was that the leadership were small proprietors in the local governments of rebel-controlled territory that insisted on preserving private property relations. If this book is nearly as good as his book on Afghanistan that was a Pulitzer prize runner up, it should gain widespread attention. Meanwhile, Blumenthal’s reporting on Syria is the same as Vanessa Beeley’s, just regime propaganda. At least Beeley went to Syria, even if was limited to 4-star hotels and tea parties with the dictator. Can you imagine Sidney Blumenthal’s golden boy crawling under barbed wire fences and stepping close to land mines to get a story? I can’t.
The attacks on Dan La Botz are just as apolitical. I am just as opposed to La Botz’s special pleading for the reactionary student movement in Venezuela as Blumenthal and Norton but I wouldn’t dream of smearing him as a State Department tool. In fact, this kind of attack has roots in Stalin’s demonization of his opponents who were supposedly trying to overthrow the USSR because both they and the capitalist media described him as a ruthless dictator.
In channeling Stalin, these two pinheads make sure to use the word “Trotskyite” throughout, a term that is a dead giveaway for politics that have largely died out after the collapse of the USSR and the transformation of the CPs into Eurocommunist type parties, except for the KKE in Greece that is cut from the same cloth as Gray Zone.
Looking back at the history of the radical movement, you will find many attempts to take advantage of imperialist rivalry. For Blumenthal and Norton, the only imperialist powers in the world are those in the West. China and Russia are clearly seen by them as anti-imperialist states even though the subjugation of the Uygurs and Syrians that Gray Zone defends are clearly imperialist in character. If Uygurs and Syrians are expected to pass their litmus test, it would mean suicide since the world is divided into two major geopolitical blocs. For all of their ranting against the White Helmets from receiving funding from the West, you would be hard-pressed to see how else they could have assembled a first responder team that has saved thousands of lives. Obviously, Gray Zone must believe that bombing hospitals is warranted in rebel-controlled territory since all the patients are likely carrying the dread sharia-law virus.
Fortunately, people like Roger Casement and others trying to exploit the differences between Anglo-American and German imperialism didn’t take Gray Zone type advice.
Who could blame Irish freedom fighter Roger Casement for trying to strike deals with Kaiser Wilhelm to get weapons to liberate his people? During a period of inter-imperialist rivalries, it was not considered a betrayal of socialist principles to look for such opportunities. In Roy’s case, there was the added dimension of his writing the theses on national liberation adopted by the Comintern. How could you cozy up with imperialists and then write such classic statements of Marxist policy?
This is not to speak of V.I. Lenin’s stance with respect to the same bogeymen. In “To the Finland Station”, Edmund Wilson describes the uneasy feelings that some of his comrades had that were by no means as disgusting as Gray Zone’s attack on Socialism 2019:
In the train that left the morning of April 8 there were thirty Russian exiles, including not a single Menshevik. They were accompanied by the Swiss socialist Platten, who made himself responsible for the trip, and the Polish socialist Radek. Some of the best of the comrades had been horrified by the indiscretion of Lenin in resorting to the aid of the Germans and making the trip through an enemy country. They came to the station and besieged the travelers, begging them not to go. Lenin got into the train without replying a word.
Even after Hitler took power, some nationalists continued in the same vein, the most notable among them Subhas Chandra Bose who relied on both German and Japanese support for an army that could liberate India. Despite this marriage of convenience, Bose was politically on the left and an admirer of the USSR. Indeed, Stalin’s nonaggression pact with Hitler served his policy aims well as indicated by his 1941 Kabul Thesis written just before he travelled to Germany to consult with the Nazis:
Thus we see pseudo-Leftists who through sheer cowardice avoid a conflict with Imperialism and argue in self-defence that Mr. Winston Churchill (whom we know to be the arch-Imperialist) is the greatest revolutionary going. It has become a fashion with these pseudo-Leftists to call the British Government a revolutionary force because it is fighting the Nazis and Fascists. But they conveniently forget the imperialist character of Britain’s war and also the fact that the greatest revolutionary force in the world, the Soviet Union, has entered into a solemn pact with the Nazi Government.
While some sought advantage by aligning with the axis, others found the allies more amenable to their broader goals. While he would eventually find himself locked in a deadly struggle with American imperialism, Ho Chi Minh had no problem connecting with the OSS during WWII as recounted by William Duiker in his 2000 biography “Ho Chi Minh: a Life”:
While Ho Chi Minh was in Paise attempting to revitalize the Dong Minh Hoi, a U.S. military intelligence officer arrived in Kunming to join the OSS unit there. Captain Archimedes “Al” Patti had served in the European Theater until January 1944, when he was transferred to Washington, D.C., and appointed to the Indochina desk at OSS headquarters. A man of considerable swagger and self-confidence, Patti brought to his task a strong sense of history and an abiding distrust of the French and their legacy in colonial areas. It was from the files in Washington, D.C. that he first became aware of the activities of the Vietminh Front and its mysterious leader, Ho Chi Minh.
The next day, Patti arrived at Debao airport, just north of Jingxi, and after consultation with local AGAS representatives, drove into Jingxi, where he met a Vietminh contact at a local restaurant and was driven to see Ho Chi Minh in a small village about six miles out of town. After delicately feeling out his visitor about his identity and political views, Ho described conditions inside Indochina and pointed out that his movement could provide much useful assistance and information to the Allies if it were in possession of modern weapons, ammunition, and means of communication. At the moment, Ho conceded that the movement was dependent upon a limited amount of equipment captured from the enemy. Patti avoided any commitment, but promised to explore the matter. By his own account, Patti was elated.
Right now, the biggest question facing the left is class independence, something clearly of little importance to Ben Norton who is a big Tulsi Gabbard fan. In this interview, he is positively glowing about her political growth even though she had “odious” views in the past.
youtube
Trying to stake out a position that will stand out in a crowded “anti-imperialist” left will be tough for Norton and Blumenthal. You can read the same sort of thing in Consortium News, Moon of Alabama, Mint Press, Off-Guardian, 21st Century Wire, DissidentVoice, Information Clearing House, et al. To separate themselves from the pack, my advice to the two careerists is to find some sugar daddy that can throw some money their way. Ron Unz of UNZ Review not only has deep pockets but lots of sympathy for their tilt toward Russia and Syria. That is if you can put up with his neo-Nazism.
[Read More On LeftPress.org]
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foodistanbul · 5 months
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Suppression of Political Opponents and Dubious Elections
Soviet Influence and Opposition Defiance (January 1946)
In January 1946, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky arrived in Sofia, pushing for the Moscow decision’s implementation. He met with Nicholas Petkov, leader of the United Democratic Opposition, and insisted on compliance with Stalin’s orders. Petkov, defiant, emphasized his allegiance to the people and his organization, not foreign officials. Following Petkov’s lead, Social Democratic leader Kosta Lulchev also refused to join the Cabinet.
Dubious Elections for Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Communist-dominated Sofia regime, in 1946, decided to hold new elections for a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting and adopting a new constitution. The elections occurred on October 27, 1946, marked by a wave of terror against Bulgarians. Over twenty Democratic Opposition candidates or supporters were killed, while thousands faced harassment, arrests, and torture. Prior to the elections, the Communist secret police seized and beat opposition delegates at polling stations, allowing mostly Communist representatives to tally votes. The opposition had limited verification of the officially reported results Daily Tours Istanbul.
Unrepresentative Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Constituent Assembly resulting from these elections comprised 364 Communists and fellow travelers, with only 101 deputies representing the Democratic Opposition. This Assembly, elected amid a notorious reign of terror, did not truly reflect the Bulgarian people’s will. Despite this, a sizable opposition group of 92 deputies from the Peasant Party, 8 from the Social Democratic Party, and 1 Independent Intellectual was established. Throughout the winter of 1946-1947, leaders of the Democratic Opposition, notably Nicholas Petkov, utilized their constitutional and parliamentary immunity to condemn overt Communist tactics of intimidation and persecution.
0 notes
travelistanbul · 5 months
Photo
Tumblr media
Suppression of Political Opponents and Dubious Elections
Soviet Influence and Opposition Defiance (January 1946)
In January 1946, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky arrived in Sofia, pushing for the Moscow decision’s implementation. He met with Nicholas Petkov, leader of the United Democratic Opposition, and insisted on compliance with Stalin’s orders. Petkov, defiant, emphasized his allegiance to the people and his organization, not foreign officials. Following Petkov’s lead, Social Democratic leader Kosta Lulchev also refused to join the Cabinet.
Dubious Elections for Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Communist-dominated Sofia regime, in 1946, decided to hold new elections for a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting and adopting a new constitution. The elections occurred on October 27, 1946, marked by a wave of terror against Bulgarians. Over twenty Democratic Opposition candidates or supporters were killed, while thousands faced harassment, arrests, and torture. Prior to the elections, the Communist secret police seized and beat opposition delegates at polling stations, allowing mostly Communist representatives to tally votes. The opposition had limited verification of the officially reported results Daily Tours Istanbul.
Unrepresentative Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Constituent Assembly resulting from these elections comprised 364 Communists and fellow travelers, with only 101 deputies representing the Democratic Opposition. This Assembly, elected amid a notorious reign of terror, did not truly reflect the Bulgarian people’s will. Despite this, a sizable opposition group of 92 deputies from the Peasant Party, 8 from the Social Democratic Party, and 1 Independent Intellectual was established. Throughout the winter of 1946-1947, leaders of the Democratic Opposition, notably Nicholas Petkov, utilized their constitutional and parliamentary immunity to condemn overt Communist tactics of intimidation and persecution.
0 notes
istanbulpalaces · 5 months
Photo
Tumblr media
Suppression of Political Opponents and Dubious Elections
Soviet Influence and Opposition Defiance (January 1946)
In January 1946, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky arrived in Sofia, pushing for the Moscow decision’s implementation. He met with Nicholas Petkov, leader of the United Democratic Opposition, and insisted on compliance with Stalin’s orders. Petkov, defiant, emphasized his allegiance to the people and his organization, not foreign officials. Following Petkov’s lead, Social Democratic leader Kosta Lulchev also refused to join the Cabinet.
Dubious Elections for Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Communist-dominated Sofia regime, in 1946, decided to hold new elections for a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting and adopting a new constitution. The elections occurred on October 27, 1946, marked by a wave of terror against Bulgarians. Over twenty Democratic Opposition candidates or supporters were killed, while thousands faced harassment, arrests, and torture. Prior to the elections, the Communist secret police seized and beat opposition delegates at polling stations, allowing mostly Communist representatives to tally votes. The opposition had limited verification of the officially reported results Daily Tours Istanbul.
Unrepresentative Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Constituent Assembly resulting from these elections comprised 364 Communists and fellow travelers, with only 101 deputies representing the Democratic Opposition. This Assembly, elected amid a notorious reign of terror, did not truly reflect the Bulgarian people’s will. Despite this, a sizable opposition group of 92 deputies from the Peasant Party, 8 from the Social Democratic Party, and 1 Independent Intellectual was established. Throughout the winter of 1946-1947, leaders of the Democratic Opposition, notably Nicholas Petkov, utilized their constitutional and parliamentary immunity to condemn overt Communist tactics of intimidation and persecution.
0 notes
istanbul-day · 5 months
Photo
Tumblr media
Suppression of Political Opponents and Dubious Elections
Soviet Influence and Opposition Defiance (January 1946)
In January 1946, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky arrived in Sofia, pushing for the Moscow decision’s implementation. He met with Nicholas Petkov, leader of the United Democratic Opposition, and insisted on compliance with Stalin’s orders. Petkov, defiant, emphasized his allegiance to the people and his organization, not foreign officials. Following Petkov’s lead, Social Democratic leader Kosta Lulchev also refused to join the Cabinet.
Dubious Elections for Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Communist-dominated Sofia regime, in 1946, decided to hold new elections for a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting and adopting a new constitution. The elections occurred on October 27, 1946, marked by a wave of terror against Bulgarians. Over twenty Democratic Opposition candidates or supporters were killed, while thousands faced harassment, arrests, and torture. Prior to the elections, the Communist secret police seized and beat opposition delegates at polling stations, allowing mostly Communist representatives to tally votes. The opposition had limited verification of the officially reported results Daily Tours Istanbul.
Unrepresentative Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Constituent Assembly resulting from these elections comprised 364 Communists and fellow travelers, with only 101 deputies representing the Democratic Opposition. This Assembly, elected amid a notorious reign of terror, did not truly reflect the Bulgarian people’s will. Despite this, a sizable opposition group of 92 deputies from the Peasant Party, 8 from the Social Democratic Party, and 1 Independent Intellectual was established. Throughout the winter of 1946-1947, leaders of the Democratic Opposition, notably Nicholas Petkov, utilized their constitutional and parliamentary immunity to condemn overt Communist tactics of intimidation and persecution.
0 notes
istanbulifest · 5 months
Photo
Tumblr media
Suppression of Political Opponents and Dubious Elections
Soviet Influence and Opposition Defiance (January 1946)
In January 1946, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky arrived in Sofia, pushing for the Moscow decision’s implementation. He met with Nicholas Petkov, leader of the United Democratic Opposition, and insisted on compliance with Stalin’s orders. Petkov, defiant, emphasized his allegiance to the people and his organization, not foreign officials. Following Petkov’s lead, Social Democratic leader Kosta Lulchev also refused to join the Cabinet.
Dubious Elections for Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Communist-dominated Sofia regime, in 1946, decided to hold new elections for a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting and adopting a new constitution. The elections occurred on October 27, 1946, marked by a wave of terror against Bulgarians. Over twenty Democratic Opposition candidates or supporters were killed, while thousands faced harassment, arrests, and torture. Prior to the elections, the Communist secret police seized and beat opposition delegates at polling stations, allowing mostly Communist representatives to tally votes. The opposition had limited verification of the officially reported results Daily Tours Istanbul.
Unrepresentative Constituent Assembly (October 1946)
The Constituent Assembly resulting from these elections comprised 364 Communists and fellow travelers, with only 101 deputies representing the Democratic Opposition. This Assembly, elected amid a notorious reign of terror, did not truly reflect the Bulgarian people’s will. Despite this, a sizable opposition group of 92 deputies from the Peasant Party, 8 from the Social Democratic Party, and 1 Independent Intellectual was established. Throughout the winter of 1946-1947, leaders of the Democratic Opposition, notably Nicholas Petkov, utilized their constitutional and parliamentary immunity to condemn overt Communist tactics of intimidation and persecution.
0 notes