On this day I have been dealt an unprecedented amount of psychic damage

Republican U.S. Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith, center, faces Democrat Mike Espy in the Nov. 3 election for U.S. Senate. by Adam Ganucheau Mississippi Today   An essay by Cagney Weaver | Nov. 1, 2020 I’m a white woman who voted for Cindy Hyde-Smith in 2018. I will be voting for Mike Espy this November.  For me, it comes down to one thing: race. Cindy Hyde-Smith has routinely shown in the two years since she was appointed to the Senate that she simply does not care about all Mississippians. I am not sharing my story to be some sort of moral crusader or to show that I have become “woke.” I am doing this because this version of Mississippi has existed for far too long. Someone has to speak up. It is our moral obligation as Mississippians, as women, as mothers to change what Mississippi has been and fight for a better future for all of our state’s children. I haven’t always felt this way. I grew up on the Mississippi Gulf Coast in a very white world. The schools I attended were predominantly white, and I had few opportunities to interact with people of color. It’s difficult to explain the strong grip that upbringing in that kind of environment can have on you. I began seeing things a little differently when I went to college at the University of Southern Mississippi. I became friends with people of color. I was shocked to learn that sororities were segregated by race. I took a class from my first ever teacher of color, Dr. Shirley Bowles. But what really changed me was becoming a public school teacher. I began teaching in 2010 at the same elementary school where I attended kindergarten myself. In a small-town Mississippi turn of events, I took over for my kindergarten teacher in the very same kindergarten classroom where I had once been a student. In my first few years of teaching, it was impossible not to notice how few students of color I taught. That had a profound effect on me. In 2014, I was awarded the Milken Educator Award, a national award that allowed me the pleasure of working closely with game-changing women of color in education from across our state and country. That same year, I was asked to speak at the Mississippi Teacher and Administrator of the Year Conference. As I looked around that room, I saw so many people of color in these vital roles that shape young minds. It was hard not to wonder why I had seen so little of that in my life. That was a defining moment for how I felt about race in Mississippi. I long for my students to see people who look like them in administrative roles in my workplace. Just in the history of public education, it’s not hard to see how people of color have been systemically held back by racist policies: redlining, immoral treatment of Black mothers using government subsidies in the 1950s and 1960s, the disproportionate number of children of color whose best hope at gaining a quality education was a lottery system. Today, that public education system of racism looks a little different but still exists, most obviously through how our schools are funded. How can it be that my elementary school in Biloxi is less comfortable for students than a similarly sized school across the bay in Ocean Springs? How can it be that teachers in schools in southwest Mississippi and the Delta are asked to meet the same academic benchmarks with dramatically fewer resources than my colleagues here in Biloxi? It’s clear from listening to her that Cindy Hyde-Smith doesn’t understand that history or that present. And she sure doesn’t understand the effects that her actions and words have on so many Mississippians. In 2018, I voted for Hyde-Smith because I honestly didn’t know better. As a registered Republican, the last few years have shown me that the makeup of the party I once believed in is disgraceful, immoral and incompetent to hold public office. I am ashamed of my previous vote of elected officials, but I will never make that same mistake again. My vote matters, and so does yours. I became an educator because I care about children. The longer I teach, the deeper that care becomes. I will fight with every breath that I have to ensure all my students – particularly my students of color – have a successful future. I know I cannot save them from all the problems they’ll face, but I need to have faith that our elected officials will make the right choices for their future. That is part of me, it’s part of my morals, and it’s something that I fight for every single day. I need to be able to say the same of my U.S. senator. Cindy Hyde-Smith has done nothing for our state, and worse, she has done nothing for our children. Our children are the future. If you’re not fighting for the children of Mississippi, then you’re not fighting for Mississippi. And I believe that future looks better in the hands of Mike Espy. Editor’s Note: We are sharing our platform with Mississippians to write essays about race. This essay is the fourth in the series. Read the first essay by Kiese Laymon, the second by W. Ralph Eubanks, and the third by Taylor BreAnn Turnage. Click here to read our extended editor’s note about this decision. About the Author: Cagney Weaver is a native of the Mississippi Gulf Coast. She has been in education for 11 years, during which she has attained her National Board Certification in 2014 and won the Milken Educator Award in 2014. Serving as a Lowell Milken Unsung Heroes Fellow, she has dedicated her life to education in the state. She has worked in several capacities as a speaker, presenter, and facilitator at educational conferences in the state. This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license." data-src="https://mississippitoday.org/?republication-pixel=true&post=841499&ga=UA-75003810-1" />

Indonesia’s bid to root out Islamists throws spotlight on universities

A man holds a Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia flag during a protest against the President Joko Widodo’s decree to disband Islamist groups in Jakarta, Indonesia, July 28, 2017. Picture taken July 28, 2017. REUTERS/Beawiharta

November 7, 2017

By Ed Davies and Agustinus Beo Da Costa

NUSA DUA, Indonesia, (Reuters) – When students at Indonesia’s prestigious Institute of Agricultural Studies swore an oath to support a caliphate in the world’s largest Muslim-majority country last year, a video of the event went viral and the government grew alarmed.

Months later, Indonesian President Joko Widodo banned the decades-old hardline group Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), which organized the student pledge, and declared its goal to set up a caliphate was incompatible with the constitution and could threaten security.

Last month, under prodding from the government, thousands of students across the nation made an anti-radicalism pledge. It followed an unprecedented gathering in late September of some 3,000 academics in Bali, who also pledged to fight extremism and defend the secular constitution.

The campaign against extremism in education comes amid a rise of a hardline, politicized Islam in Indonesia, which until recently had occupied the fringe of the nation’s politics.

“Radical organizations can spread like a virus in universities,” said Professor Muhammad Sirozi, rector of the State Islamic University Raden Fatah in Palembang on Sumatra.

“These are not the organizations that students form themselves, but they are from outside,” he said at a briefing that outlined ways to help universities tackle radicalism following the Bali conference.

The campaign to root out boosters of the caliphate is not just confined to schools.

A document collated by Indonesia’s intelligence agency lists 1,300 HTI members in senior posts in the civil service, universities, the military and police.

An intelligence source confirmed the authenticity of the document, which was reviewed by Reuters. Some of those on it declined to comment after being contacted, but HTI’s former spokesman Ismail Yusanto said it did include some of its members.

SUHARTO TACTICS

Illustrating how a politicized brand of Islam has gained traction, nearly 20 percent of high school and university students in Indonesia support the establishment of a caliphate, a survey showed last week.

Moreover, around one in four of the 4,200 Muslim students in the survey by pollster Alvara said they were, to varying degrees, ready to wage jihad to achieve this.

Hizb ut-Tahrir, an international organization, established by a Palestinian Islamic scholar in 1953, has been banned in some Arab, Asian and European countries. One of its former members in Indonesia is Bahrun Naim, who went to fight for Islamic State in Syria and is accused of masterminding a series of attacks in Indonesia since early last year.

An officially registered organization in Indonesia since 2000, HTI has sought a judicial review in the constitutional court over its disbanding.

“They never gave us a chance to defend ourselves. Is it not an authoritarian and repressive action?” said HTI spokesman Yusanto, who likened the crackdown to the tactics used against opponents under former strongman President Suharto.

Asked whether HTI was still operating, Yusanto said no one could ban members from their duty to do “Dakwah” (missionary work) and those activities would continue.

Higher Education Minister Muhammad Nasir told reporters in July that HTI members were lecturers “in many universities” – Indonesia has 394 state universities and about 3,000 private ones. He warned they could be sacked unless they proffer loyalty to Indonesia’s secular ideology Pancasila, or “five principles”.

Yusanto said, however, no lecturers who were HTI members had been sacked. A Home Ministry spokesman said a task force set up to find members in the civil service had not found any so far.

MILITARY SYMPATHIZERS

One former HTI member, Ayik Heriansyah, said the group tries to enlist support from influential members of society and sympathizers in the security forces to overthrow governments, or what it terms “the handing over of power”.

Universities have been a key recruiting ground.

Heriansyah, who was once chairman of HTI at the University of Indonesia, said potential recruits were usuallyinvited to an Islamic study group. After about three months, they might be asked to participate in intensive Hiz b-ut-Tahrir study, said Heriansyah, who said left the group after a falling out with its central board.

Heriansyah said the ban on the group would simply push it underground.

“They are still running the movement as usual, but with a new structure and stewardship,” he said.

HTI has not disclosed its membership. Raymond Arifianto, a research fellow at Singapore’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, said his sources say HTI had about one million members, including an estimated 10-15 percent of junior army officers as members or sympathizers.

A spokesman for Indonesia’s military denied this.

TARGETING HIGH SCHOOLS

The group has also gained a strong presence in state universities that train public school teachers, meaning new teachers could spread HTI ideology to high school pupils.

A survey published last December by the Institute for the Study of Islam and Society, showed that 78 percent of 505 religious teachers in public schools supported implementing sharia law in Indonesia. The survey also found that 77 percent backed Islamist groups advocating this goal.

Muhammad Abdullah Darraz, director of the Maarif Institute, which promotes religious and cultural harmony, said HTI had targeted religious lessons at state high schools to spread its ideology.

Clerics offered their services for free, often with school principals and teachers being unaware of their affiliation, he told Reuters.HTI’s spokesman denied this was a strategy but said members were obliged to do missionary work without charge.

Indonesia’s biggest Islamic groups, the moderate Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah, which claim to have about 120 million members between them, back the crackdown on HTI.

Yaqut Cholil Qoumas, chairman of NU’s GP Ansor youth wing, said that Indonesia had been built by many religions and cultures, but “HTI came and wanted to change this diversity into one nation called an Islamic country.” 

(Additional reporting by Jessica Damiana, Stefanno Reinard, Kanuprya Kapoor and Tom Allard; Editing by Bill Tarrant)

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source https://capitalisthq.com/indonesias-bid-to-root-out-islamists-throws-spotlight-on-universities/ from CapitalistHQ http://capitalisthq.blogspot.com/2017/11/indonesias-bid-to-root-out-islamists.html

Indonesia’s bid to root out Islamists throws spotlight on universities

A man holds a Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia flag during a protest against the President Joko Widodo’s decree to disband Islamist groups in Jakarta, Indonesia, July 28, 2017. Picture taken July 28, 2017. REUTERS/Beawiharta

November 7, 2017

By Ed Davies and Agustinus Beo Da Costa

NUSA DUA, Indonesia, (Reuters) – When students at Indonesia’s prestigious Institute of Agricultural Studies swore an oath to support a caliphate in the world’s largest Muslim-majority country last year, a video of the event went viral and the government grew alarmed.

Months later, Indonesian President Joko Widodo banned the decades-old hardline group Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), which organized the student pledge, and declared its goal to set up a caliphate was incompatible with the constitution and could threaten security.

Last month, under prodding from the government, thousands of students across the nation made an anti-radicalism pledge. It followed an unprecedented gathering in late September of some 3,000 academics in Bali, who also pledged to fight extremism and defend the secular constitution.

The campaign against extremism in education comes amid a rise of a hardline, politicized Islam in Indonesia, which until recently had occupied the fringe of the nation’s politics.

“Radical organizations can spread like a virus in universities,” said Professor Muhammad Sirozi, rector of the State Islamic University Raden Fatah in Palembang on Sumatra.

“These are not the organizations that students form themselves, but they are from outside,” he said at a briefing that outlined ways to help universities tackle radicalism following the Bali conference.

The campaign to root out boosters of the caliphate is not just confined to schools.

A document collated by Indonesia’s intelligence agency lists 1,300 HTI members in senior posts in the civil service, universities, the military and police.

An intelligence source confirmed the authenticity of the document, which was reviewed by Reuters. Some of those on it declined to comment after being contacted, but HTI’s former spokesman Ismail Yusanto said it did include some of its members.

SUHARTO TACTICS

Illustrating how a politicized brand of Islam has gained traction, nearly 20 percent of high school and university students in Indonesia support the establishment of a caliphate, a survey showed last week.

Moreover, around one in four of the 4,200 Muslim students in the survey by pollster Alvara said they were, to varying degrees, ready to wage jihad to achieve this.

Hizb ut-Tahrir, an international organization, established by a Palestinian Islamic scholar in 1953, has been banned in some Arab, Asian and European countries. One of its former members in Indonesia is Bahrun Naim, who went to fight for Islamic State in Syria and is accused of masterminding a series of attacks in Indonesia since early last year.

An officially registered organization in Indonesia since 2000, HTI has sought a judicial review in the constitutional court over its disbanding.

“They never gave us a chance to defend ourselves. Is it not an authoritarian and repressive action?” said HTI spokesman Yusanto, who likened the crackdown to the tactics used against opponents under former strongman President Suharto.

Asked whether HTI was still operating, Yusanto said no one could ban members from their duty to do “Dakwah” (missionary work) and those activities would continue.

Higher Education Minister Muhammad Nasir told reporters in July that HTI members were lecturers “in many universities” – Indonesia has 394 state universities and about 3,000 private ones. He warned they could be sacked unless they proffer loyalty to Indonesia’s secular ideology Pancasila, or “five principles”.

Yusanto said, however, no lecturers who were HTI members had been sacked. A Home Ministry spokesman said a task force set up to find members in the civil service had not found any so far.

MILITARY SYMPATHIZERS

One former HTI member, Ayik Heriansyah, said the group tries to enlist support from influential members of society and sympathizers in the security forces to overthrow governments, or what it terms “the handing over of power”.

Universities have been a key recruiting ground.

Heriansyah, who was once chairman of HTI at the University of Indonesia, said potential recruits were usuallyinvited to an Islamic study group. After about three months, they might be asked to participate in intensive Hiz b-ut-Tahrir study, said Heriansyah, who said left the group after a falling out with its central board.

Heriansyah said the ban on the group would simply push it underground.

“They are still running the movement as usual, but with a new structure and stewardship,” he said.

HTI has not disclosed its membership. Raymond Arifianto, a research fellow at Singapore’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, said his sources say HTI had about one million members, including an estimated 10-15 percent of junior army officers as members or sympathizers.

A spokesman for Indonesia’s military denied this.

TARGETING HIGH SCHOOLS

The group has also gained a strong presence in state universities that train public school teachers, meaning new teachers could spread HTI ideology to high school pupils.

A survey published last December by the Institute for the Study of Islam and Society, showed that 78 percent of 505 religious teachers in public schools supported implementing sharia law in Indonesia. The survey also found that 77 percent backed Islamist groups advocating this goal.

Muhammad Abdullah Darraz, director of the Maarif Institute, which promotes religious and cultural harmony, said HTI had targeted religious lessons at state high schools to spread its ideology.

Clerics offered their services for free, often with school principals and teachers being unaware of their affiliation, he told Reuters.HTI’s spokesman denied this was a strategy but said members were obliged to do missionary work without charge.

Indonesia’s biggest Islamic groups, the moderate Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah, which claim to have about 120 million members between them, back the crackdown on HTI.

Yaqut Cholil Qoumas, chairman of NU’s GP Ansor youth wing, said that Indonesia had been built by many religions and cultures, but “HTI came and wanted to change this diversity into one nation called an Islamic country.” 

(Additional reporting by Jessica Damiana, Stefanno Reinard, Kanuprya Kapoor and Tom Allard; Editing by Bill Tarrant)

Source link

from CapitalistHQ.com https://capitalisthq.com/indonesias-bid-to-root-out-islamists-throws-spotlight-on-universities/

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If not my surname or my husband’s, could we call our child after a New Zealand volcano?

Franki Cookney and her husband didnt much like each others surnames, so now theyre having a baby theyve are determined to pick a new one

When my husband, Rob, and I wedded last year, the question of what to do about our surnames barely entered our debates. We are both novelists, so our epithets are on every piece of work we do. That we would retain our own seemed a rendered. There was just one niggling skepticism. What would happen if “were having” children?

I had always thought that we would just put both our calls on birth certificates certification, but I knew this didnt quite resolve the problem. Whose refer would go first? And which reputation would end up being used?

We could use a double-barrel figure, but didnt experience our surnames, Cookney and Davies, gave themselves to hyphenation. Whichever prescribe you choose, the result is clunky and we were reluctant to saddle a child with it.

We could have just choice whichever call resounded best with our newborn first name. But in that scenario, one parent culminates up not sharing a surname with their child and neither of us wanted that. Plus, Id discovered too many tales of parents being agreed upon at airfield defence because the reputations on their passports didnt competition that of their children.

The conventional option of taking my husbands surname was never on the table. Fairly apart from the feminist principle of not wanting to abdicate my identity for his, I wasnt keen on the name. Rob supported this and was by no means offended. The disturbance was, he wasnt a fan of my mention either. Its just a little bit ponderous, he said. Its almost Cockney but not quite. Youre constantly having to spell it out. We looked at our mothers maiden calls and our grandparents names but always objective up back in the same lieu, feeling that it wasnt equal, that picking one area of their own families over another wasnt fair.

We hit on the idea of taking a new epithet about a year ago when before our wed we went to write our wills. As we chitchatted to one of the attorneys, it transpired that he and his wife had done exactly this. Theres a fair fleck of admin, but its good, it drives, he said , nod decisively. Suddenly, it didnt seem so outlandish. This wasnt some childish rebellion or bohemian pretentiousness, this was something solicitors did!

We mooted it with acquaintances, who were largely unfazed. What name will you go for? was the thing they were most curious about. Good inquiry. Could we compound the messages of our mentions and create something new, we wondered. Lists were acquired: Dents, Cave, Devine, Kinsey, Dacovnicks Cookies? None of them quite hit the mark.

As our bridal outlined nearer, we set the mention competition on a back burner. But when I became pregnant three months later, we were forced to look at the situation afresh and decided to change tack. How about a plaza? I proposed. Somewhere weve inspected that we adored. A backpacking stint before we got married had left us with plenty to choose from but most sounded jolly ludicrous when attributed to a couple of ordinary Brits. Rob and Franki Tongariro owned any particular vigor, but appointing yourself after a New Zealand volcano would be ridiculous. And Zhangjiajie might invoke storages of dazzling Chinese mountains, but imagine having to incantation it every time you booked a hair appointment or called your internet provider. For a while Salento and Chaltn were on the register, after places available in Colombia and Argentina. But we werent convinced we could pull off the certainly Latino-sounding former and believed the latter would result in a lifetime of chastising people who declared it Charlton.

Then Rob said, What about Stone Town? The beautiful old town of Zanzibar City is where he had asked me to marry him. It instant appeared right. Stone was straightforward but important. It voiced good with both our given name and after a few weeks of trying it on with other epithets would work well with almost anything we chose for our child. It was perfect: a solid mention( with possibilities for puns that was not failed on us) that felt like a constructive solution to our trouble. We would prevent our original surnames for study and adopt this new last name for our personal lives.

By law, all you need to do to change your reputation is, well, remained unchanged. Simply adopting and using your brand-new name is enough. Modernizing your accounts and enters, nonetheless, requires a document of proof such as a wedding certificate or, in such cases, a deed poll. “Were not receiving” official way of acquiring a deed referendum. You can write one yourself applying free templates from the internet, but paucity of clarity about the relevant procedures answers in some institutions demanding an original certificate despite the fact that no such event subsists. You can either fight it out or you can do what we did and pay 15 -2 0 for a company such as the Deed Poll Office to draw up the note on your behalf and reproduce and stomp it on watermarked paper. Returned the listing of bodies and organisations you have to notify and the potential contentions over what constitutes an original certification, this seemed a reasonable compromise.

Perhaps it was naive, but we didnt expect to meet with fight. Uncertainty, perhaps. Intrigue, for sure. When it came to getting married, we had ditched almost every tradition running, prohibiting the union itself, and no one had interrogated us. Surely this too would be seen as a modern update on an outdated tradition. But where reference is announced our decision to our families, the reaction was mixed.

Franki and Rob. Picture: Christian Sinibaldi for the Guardian

While they understood our quandary, the common restraint was that the child would lose the connection to its family history. Try as I might, I cant know what this is. To me, family history travels far deeper than ones refer. Its in the way we live, our values, the gumption and shared suffer passed down through generations. It is part of the storytelling our parents did and its in the narrations we, more, will tell and the beliefs we will share.

Our roots are not in our appoints, they are in our centers. My grandmother, whose surname was Jones, is important to me not because of her figure but because of her passion. My great-grandmother, a midwife I never even converged, let alone shared a reputation with, forms a part of my appreciation of identity. Why? Because of the space my own mother talks about her, because of the pictures she has decorated in my head of that life, that kinfolk, that time.

Interestingly, the appoint itself has also proved a sticking point, with a few people commenting that its abiding. Youre doing this really unusual thing but youve picked a really everyday mention, said one colleague, as though by doing something different “weve been” obliged to go the whole hog and announce ourselves Rob and Franki Thundercats.

In fact, the accessibility of the appoint was something we thought would be used sell the idea. It turns out “were in” naive there, too. My baby, a former primary school teacher, insisted that someone called Stone would be taunted. Another relative describing him as a dead weight of a name.

In my experience, girls will come up with nicknames no matter what. I spent much of my school years known as Franki Cookie while my given name was often elongated to Frankenstein, Frankincense or Frankfurter.

Never tell people your reputation picks in advance, admonished one acquaintance( too late ). Its as if telling parties in advance is inviting a talk or consultation!

While my familys concerns patently matter to me, I suppose she might be right. Eventually, this is our decision, based on our requirements, and I hope they will come to see it as a practical and positive step , not an irresponsible one.

Its almost impossible to get everyone on board, adviser another friend, who changed her surname by deed ballot in 2004. The hypothesi upset my granny but my dad, her son, understood. When I married my husband, he took my figure. Im still not sure two brothers was 100% behind us, but when we had our first son, he was the first to be born into our empire. Im so excited that we are the first in our tree!

This is exactly how I seem. I adoration the idea that our child will be born into this new, specially opted and carefully thought-out family name. And if the working day he or she decides to change it either to something new or to one of our old family name we will fully support that.

Even when you change names, lineage can still be traced and, if nothing else, I like to think we will be seemed back on as the ones who tried something new; who instead of obliging do with an unsatisfactory statu, belief creatively about how to solve it. Thats a family bequest Im joyous with.

Read more: www.theguardian.com

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