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countyflagchampionship · 5 months

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On to Round 2!

This is a wrap-up of the current standings. Polls for round 2 will be published starting this Saturday (12/16).

Congratulations to all the counties that progressed!

The state that is standing the strongest is New York, with 39 counties progressing to round 2! Albany, Allegany, Allegany, Broome, Cattaraugus, Chautauqua, Chemung, Chenango, Clinton, Columbia, Delaware, Franklin, Greene, Hamilton, Jefferson, Kings, Livingston, Nassau, New York, Niagara, Oneida, Orange, Otsego, Putnam, Rensselaer, Richmond, Rockland, Saint Lawrence, Saratoga, Schuyler, Steuben, Suffolk, Sullivan, Ulster, Warren, Washington, Wayne, Westchester, and Wyoming.

Next most powerful state is Virginia, which has 36 winning counties. Alleghany, Alleghany, Amherst, Augusta, Bedford, Brunswick, Caroline, Carroll, Charlotte, Chesterfield, Fairfax, Fauquier, Fluvanna, Gloucester, Goochland, Grayson, Halifax, Isle of Wight, James City, King and Queen, King George, King William, Lee, Louisa, Montgomery, Patrick, Pittsylvania, Prince Edward, Pulaski, Rockingham, Scott, Smyth, Southampton, Tazewell, Warren, and Wise.

Ohio is also standing strong with 27 advancing counties. Brown, Butler, Columbiana, Coshocton, Crawford, Defiance, Erie, Fulton, Geauga, Holmes, Jackson, Lake, Lawrence, Licking, Madison, Mahoning, Medina, Mercer, Monroe, Muskingum, Perry, Pickaway, Ross, Scioto, Seneca, Trumbull, and Van Wert.

North Carolina is up next with a solid 24 wins. Beaufort, Cabarrus, Caldwell, Camden, Carteret, Craven, Currituck, Granville, Harnett, Henderson, Hoke, Jackson, Johnson, Lenoir, Lincoln, Macon, Madison, Mecklenburg, Northampton, Onslow, Person, Robeson, Tyrrell, and Wake.

Only 1 more state has over 20 counties that made won their match-ups and that's my wonderful Washington. Adams, Asotin, Chelan, Clallam, Cowlitz, Ferry, Garfield, Grant, Grays Harbor, King, Kitsap, Kittitas, Klickitat, Lewis, Pacific, Pend Oreille, Skagit, Snohomish, Thurston, Walla Walla, Whatcom, Whitman, Yakima. Stay strong my soldiers.

A much higher number of states are comfortably in the middle of the pack. They are as follows:

Texas: 19 counties. Bosque, Collin, Dallas, Denton, Fort Bend, Goliad, Hockley, Jones, Lipscomb, Live Oak, Llano, McMullen, Milam, Ochiltree, Orange, Panola, Parker, San Patricio, and Travis.

California: 17 counties. Amador, Calaveras, El Dorado, Imperial, Lake, Mariposa, Monterey, Orange, San Benito, San Luis Obispo, Santa Barbara, Santa Clara, Santa Cruz, Solano, Tulare, Tuolumne, and Yolo.

Pennsylvania: 16 counties. Allegheny, Blair, Butler, Carbon, Dauphin, Franklin, Greene, Jefferson, Lancaster, Lycoming, Mifflin, Montgomery, Perry, Potter, Venango, and York.

Tennessee: 15 counties. Blount, Campbell, Carter, Cumberland, Hardin, Houston, Johnson, Knox, Madison, Maury, McNairy, Obion, Union, Williamson, and Wilson.

Nebraska: 13 counties. Adams, Buffalo, Cass, Cherry, Dakota, Keith, Knox, Nuckolls, Platte, Saunders, Stanton, Thayer, and Webster.

Nevada: 13 counties. Churchill, Clark, Douglas, Esmeralda, Eureka, Lander, Lincoln, Lyon, Mineral, Pershing, Storey, Washoe, and White Pine.

Illinois: 12 counties. Cook, DeKalb, Franklin, Jasper, Kane, Marion, McDonough, McHenry, Morgan, Peoria, St Clair, and Winnebago.

Maryland: 12 counties. Anne Arundel, Calvert, Carroll, Cecil, Dorchester, Frederick, Montgomery, Prince George’s, Queen Anne’s, Talbot, Washington, and Worcester.

Michigan: 12 counties. Barry, Berrien, Clinton, Genesee, Gogebic, Kalamazoo, Lake, Oceana, Ottawa, Rocommon, Sanilac, and Wexford.

Iowa: 11 counties. Dickinson, Fayette, Hancock, Hardin, Henry, Humboldt, Jefferson, Jones, Polk, Pottawattamie, and Wright.

Louisiana: 11 parishes. Ascension, Bossier, Cameron, Catahoula, Concordia, Jefferson, Lincoln, Natchitoches, St Bernard, St James, and St Tammany.

New Jersey: 11 counties. Bergen, Cumberland, Essex, Middlesex, Morris, Passaic, Salem, Somerset, Sussex, Union, and Warren.

Kentucky: 10 counties. Boone, Boyle, Breckinridge, Daviess, Leslie, Logan, Pike, Shelby, Trimble, Woodford.

Many of these poor cute states are barely hanging on. Please wish them luck.

Florida: 8 counties. Alachua, Bay, Miami-Dade, Monroe, Okaloosa, Osceola, Palm Beach, and St Johns.

New Mexico: 8 counties. Colfax, Curry, Doña Ana, Lincoln, Mora, Otero, Roosevelt, and Socorro.

Georgia: 6 counties. Bartow, Cherokee, Floyd, Fulton, Pierce, and Rockdale.

Indiana: 6 counties. Benton, Elkhart, Jennings, Marion, Marshall, and Starke.

Minnesota: 6 counties. Aitkin, Clearwater, Hennepin, Hubbard, McLeod, and Pipestone.

Wisconsin: 6 counties. Calumet, Fond du Lac, Osaukee, Portage, Racine, and Sheboygan.

Wyoming: 6 counties. Big Horn, Converse, Lincoln, Natrona, Park, and Teton.

Missouri: 5 counties. Clay, Gentry, Greene, Newton, and St Louis.

South Carolina: 5 counties. Anderson, Calhoun, Dillon, Dorchester, and Lexington.

Utah: 5 counties. Beaver, Summit, Utah, Washington, and Wayne.

Alaska: 4 boroughs. Anchorage, Juneau, Matanuska-Susitna, and Wrangell.

Arkansas: 4 counties. Cross, Searcy, Washington, and White.

Colorado: 4 counties. Douglas, El Paso, Fremont, and La Plata.

Oklahoma: 4 counties. Bryan, Payne, Rogers, and Washington.

West Virginia: 4 counties. Fayette, Marion, Monongalia, and Roane.

Alabama: 3 counties. Bullock, Cleburne, and Mobile.

Arizona: 3 counties. Coconino, Maricopa, and Yavapai.

Maine: 3 counties. Androscoggin, Hancock, and Washington.

Idaho: 2 counties. Bannock and Bonner.

Kansas: 2 counties. Atchinson and Johnson.

Massachusetts: 2 counties. Barnstable and Berkshire.

Montana: 2 counties. Gallatin and Silver Bow.

North Dakota: 2 counties. Benson and LaMoure.

Some states only have 1 county that progressed. They are: Delaware (Kent County), Hawaii (Maui County), Mississippi (Adams County), New Hampshire (Hillsborough County), Oregon (Linn County), and South Dakota (Bennet County).

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In addition to all the winning counties above, there will be 83 new county flags folded into round 2!!! (Because of math reasoning this had to happen) Get hyped

They are as follows:

Alexander NC, Allen OH, Alpena MI, Alpena MI, Alpine CA, Arapahoe CO, Ashe NC, Avery NC, Baldwin AL, Baltimore MD, Bell KY, Benzie MI, Bernalillo NM, Black Hawk IA, Brevard FL, Camden NJ, Campbell WY, Canyon ID, Centre PA, Charles City VA, Cheatham TN, Chester PA, Clark WA, Clarke VA, Cleveland OK, Cochise AZ, Columbus NC, Coweta GA, Darke OH, Davidson NC, Elko NV, Erie PA, Florence SC, Garrett MD, Goshen WY, Greene VA, Grundy IL, Gwinnett GA, Hidalgo TX, Highland OH, Hocking OH, Holt NE, Hot Springs WY, Howard MD, Huntingdon PA, Ingham MI, Island WA, Kankakee IL, Lackawanna PA, Lawrence PA, Leelanau MI, Lehigh PA, Leon FL, Liberty TX, Lucas OH, Madera CA, Mahaska IA, Manitowoc WI, McLennan TX, Meigs OH, Milwaukee WI, Nashville and Davidson TN, Northumberland VA, Orleans NY, Page VA, Porter IN, Sacramento CA, Salt Lake UT, San Diego CA, Sangamon IL, Sevier TN, Shelby TN, Skamania WA, Spotsylvania VA, Stafford VA, Sussex VA, Terrell TX, Trinity CA, Tulsa OK, Tuscarawas OH, Ventura CA, Wahkiakum WA, Yuma AZ

#updates

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rustbeltjessie · 8 months

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Check out this playlist on @8tracks: A million times a day, I try to fail, or fail to try. by matildawhiskey.

1. Jawbreaker - Boxcar 2. The Lawrence Arms - The Ramblin’ Boys of Pleasure 3. American Steel - Mean Streak 4. Dear Landlord - I Live in Hell 5. The Homewreckers - Bad Decisions 6. Ashtray - S.S.B.C. 7. Bridge and Tunnel - Down for My People Like Joe Carroll 8. Good Luck - How to Live Here 9. The Ergs! - Blue 10. The Weakerthans - Night Windows 11. Margot and The Nuclear So & Sos - Love Song for a Schuba’s Bartender 12. AJJ - Scensters 13. Against Me! - Y’all Don’t Wanna Step to Dis 14. Defiance, Ohio - Calling Old Friends 15. Mischief Brew - Punx Win!

#8tracks #playlist #the punk rocks #personal mix #from the vaults #oh for the record #the ashtray song is mislabeled when you listen to the mix #and i have no idea why #it's labeled as some band i've never even heard of...kinesis i think?

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middleland · 3 months

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Carroll Cemetery (2) (3) (4) by gryphon1911

Via Flickr:

Twitter | Visual Ohio Blog | Best Light Photo Blog

#carroll ohio #fairfield county #places for the dead #nothing answered yes

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performance-gmc-caddy · 10 months

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Columbus, OH is a great place for families! From interactive museums and outdoor adventures to unique attractions, there are so many fantastic kid-friendly activities to choose from. Whether you’re young – or just young at heart – there’s sure to be something you’ll love, so pile the kids into your GMC Arcadia and get ready to have fun in Columbus!

#things to do #thingstodo #columbusohio #columbus #columbusoh #columbus oh columbus ohio #carroll #carroll ohio #carrollohio #local #ThinkgsToDo #kidfriendly #kid friendly #lancaster oh #lancasteroh #lancaster

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conandaily2022 · 11 months

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Complete list of Miss Ohio USA 2023 candidates

The Miss Ohio USA 2023 coronation night will take place at The Vern Riffe Center for the Arts in Portsmouth, Ohio, United States on May 20, 2023. It is the 72nd edition of the state-level beauty pageant that selects Ohio’s candidate for Miss USA, which selects the Miss Universe candidate of the U.S. Currently, Ohio has 23 Miss USA placements including the coronation of Sue Downey in 1965 and Kim…

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#Miss Ohio USA #Ohio #Portsmouth #Sir&039;Quora Carroll #Youtube

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ursine-sister · 1 year

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All the weird parts of the Midwest don’t scare me.

But Carrol Township, Ohio truly was one of the most uncanny places I’ve ever visited.

#Midwest the best #Ohio

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lboogie1906 · 1 year

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Virginia Esther Hamilton (March 12, 1936 – February 19, 2002) was an African-American children's book author. She wrote 41 books, including M. C. Higgins, the Great, for which she won the US National Book Award in the category of Children's Books and the Newbery Medal in 1975. Her lifetime achievements include the international Hans Christian Andersen Award for writing children's literature in 1992 and the Laura Ingalls Wilder Award for her contributions to American children's literature in 1995. Her family encouraged her to read and write widely. She received a full scholarship to Antioch College but later transferred to Ohio State University. In 1967, Zeely published, the first of more than 40 books. Zeely was named an American Library Association Notable Book and won the Nancy Bloch Award. She published The Planet of Junior Brown, which was named a Newbery Honor Book, and won the Lewis Carroll Shelf Award in 1971. M. C. Higgins, the Great (1974) won the Newbery Medal, making her the first African American author to receive the medal. The book won the National Book Award, the Lewis Carroll Shelf Award, the Boston Globe-Horn Book Award, and The New York Times Outstanding Children's Book of the Year.#africanhistory365 #africanexcellence #womenshistorymonth https://www.instagram.com/p/CpsDdjYuC3m/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

#africanhistory365 #africanexcellence #womenshistorymonth

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mariacallous · 1 year

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Relatively few amicus briefs rise to the level of meriting a response from Donald Trump. But last week, with a brief filed in a case concerning Trump’s civil liability for his role in the Jan. 6 insurrection, the Justice Department drew the former president’s attention on Truth Social: “The Department of Justice has rightfully agreed that presidential immunity is broad and absolute,” read a statement posted by Trump on his bespoke social media platform and attributed to a “Trump Spokesperson.” The statement closed, “All witch hunts and hoaxes have to end!”

If you’d read only Trump’s Truth Social post, you could be forgiven for thinking that the Justice Department had sided with Trump in his argument that absolute presidential immunity shields him from civil suit over his actions on Jan. 6. In fact, the department took the opposite view. The filing that attracted Trump’s attention argued instead that presidential immunity does not protect him from these lawsuits.

That’s a striking position for the government to take—and it’s worth a close look. Throughout Trump’s presidency and its aftermath, the Justice Department has struggled to navigate the difficult dynamics of defending the office of the presidency without excusing Trump’s abuses of power. In this brief, the department threads the needle of protecting its traditional interest in defending robust executive power while refusing to shield Trump from all accountability.

The brief was filed at the request of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, which asked the Justice Department to weigh in as it considers three consolidated cases: Blassingame v. Trump, Thompson v. Trump, and Swalwell v. Trump. In each, the plaintiffs—Capitol Police officers in Blassingame, along with a collection of members of Congress including Reps. Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.) and Eric Swalwell (D-Calif.)—seek to hold Trump liable, arguing that he instigated the violent attack on the Capitol, largely through his inflammatory “Stop the Steal” speech on Jan. 6. The district court held that Trump’s speech was protected neither by the First Amendment under Brandenburg v. Ohio nor by the doctrine of presidential immunity as established by the Supreme Court in Nixon v. Fitzgerald, which held that presidents are absolutely immune from civil suits for actions taken within the “outer perimeter” of their “official responsibilities.”

Trump appealed the court’s denial of absolute immunity—though oddly not the legally shaky First Amendment holding. The D.C. Circuit heard oral argument late last year. Though the panel expressed skepticism at Trump’s expansive view of immunity, the appeals court nevertheless requested the government’s input before ruling on the issue.

Speaking in January 2022 on the first anniversary of the insurrection, Attorney General Merrick Garland insisted that the Justice Department would “do everything in our power to defend the American people and American democracy.” That language might have suggested that the department would come out swinging against Trump in Blassingame—but despite Garland’s rhetoric, it wasn’t initially obvious what position the Justice Department would take. The department has typically taken a broad view of presidential immunity. And its understanding of its institutional responsibilities toward the office of the presidency has already led it to defend Trump in another high-profile case—a defamation lawsuit by the writer E. Jean Carroll, who has accused Trump of raping her. So it was entirely possible that, despite its aggressive prosecution of Jan. 6 rioters in criminal court and the ongoing special counsel investigation of Trump himself, the Justice Department’s Blassingame brief might have argued for Trump’s immunity in civil court.

In the end, Trump’s Truth Social post was half right: The Justice Department’s brief does argue that “presidential immunity is broad and absolute.” But the Justice Department also argues that this immunity has its limits. “Nixon v. Fitzgerald establishes a rule of absolute immunity for the President’s official acts,” the brief states. “It is not a rule of absolute immunity for the President regardless of the nature of his acts.”

The government makes clear that it “expresses no view on the district court’s conclusion that plaintiffs have plausibly alleged that President Trump’s January 6 speech incited the subsequent attack on the Capitol.” But the department argues that if Trump is found to have engaged in incitement, such that his speech would not receive First Amendment protection, the speech would likewise fall outside the “outer perimeter” of presidential duties and would not be shielded under Fitzgerald, either. As the brief puts it, the “President’s speech on a matter of public concern is not protected by absolute immunity if it constitutes incitement to imminent private violence.” This analysis knits together two separate questions considered by the district court: whether Trump’s speech should receive First Amendment protection and whether he is immune from suit under Fitzgerald.

This doesn’t mean that the department has flung caution to the wind. As if to calm the itchy fingers of a million Twitter pundits, the brief emphasizes that “[t]he United States does not express any view regarding the potential criminal liability of any person for the events of January 6, 2021, or acts connected with those events.” And again and again, the government underlines the importance of maintaining presidential immunity within Fitzgerald’s “outer perimeter,” which includes a “vast realm” of public speech. Courts, the department writes, “must take care not to adopt rules that would unduly chill legitimate presidential communication or threaten to saddle the President with suits that would be burdensome and intrusive.” It’s just that inciting violence—if that’s indeed what Trump did on Jan. 6—is so far outside the scope of “legitimate presidential communication” that the Justice Department isn’t too worried about chilling it.

This intellectual move speaks to a broader tension that both the Justice Department and the courts have grappled with since Trump first came into office. Trump’s actions as president often stretched the limits of the role, raising the question of to what extent the legal system could distinguish between the august institution of the presidency and the foibles of the person who held it. In Carroll’s defamation case, for example, the first filing made by the Justice Department under the Biden administration decried Trump’s comments about Carroll—the president had told reporters, “She’s not my type”—as “crude and disrespectful.” But the department emphasized that the suit involved “questions that implicate the institutional interests of the federal government.” Again and again, both courts and Justice Department lawyers have found themselves issuing rulings and making arguments that can seem on the surface to give a pass to Trump’s appalling behavior, in service of focusing on the authorities of an abstracted chief executive distinct from Trump.

The Justice Department’s Blassingame filing, in contrast, identifies a means of potentially cleaving Trump from the power and protections of the presidency—on the grounds that the disjuncture between Trump’s office and his actions on Jan. 6. is just so vast that it’s not actually a hard decision. Even the most expansive interpretation of Article II cannot encompass inciting a violent mob to attack Congress and overturn a presidential election.

As if to emphasize the gulf between Trump the man and the office of the presidency, the brief adds a crucial word to the usual Brandenburg test for incitement, asking not whether Trump was inciting “imminent lawless action” or imminent violence, but whether he was inciting “imminent private violence” (emphasis added). The implication is that Trump was acting not as a public official but as the summoner of a personal militia.

There’s an echo here of Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s constitutional analysis as to whether the obstruction of justice statutes could apply to presidential conduct. Mueller, too, was faced with the question of whether the normal trappings of the presidency would shield even aberrant actions by Trump. The special counsel took the view that applying obstruction statutes to conduct within the president’s authority under Article II wouldn’t risk chilling future presidents—because “in virtually all instances, there will be no credible basis for suspecting a corrupt personal motive.” Essentially, the argument is that Trump’s potential obstruction of justice as described in the Mueller Report was simply so outside the norm of presidential behavior, so appalling, that it could be easily distinguished from the normal conduct of the presidency.

Mueller’s reasoning has received a great deal of criticism, and the legal questions he faced were different from the issues the Justice Department addresses in Blassingame. Among other things, he was addressing potential criminal, not civil, liability. But both the Mueller Report and the Blassingame brief seek to draw a similar line between Trump’s abuses and the institution he occupied—and cast Trump as an aberration. Perhaps some actions are so egregious—and some motives so incompatible with the character traits that presidents must have to discharge their constitutional obligations—that Article II simply can’t extend to those actions.

In Blassingame, the Justice Department’s brief prudently hews closely to what seemed like the consensus among the D.C. Circuit panel at oral argument: that, whatever legal complexities presidential immunity raises as a general matter, the facts in this case are so egregious as to justify a narrow, fact-bound denial of presidential immunity. As one of us has noted previously, extreme facts can make easy law. (Indeed, the Justice Department goes out of its way to urge the court not to address broader and more complex issues, like whether a president should ever get immunity for electoral activities.) This narrow approach makes sense, both as a matter of the department’s natural caution but also as responsive to the D.C. Circuit’s clear invitation for institutional cover to deny Trump immunity in this case. The D.C. Circuit doesn’t need the Justice Department’s permission, but it surely wouldn’t mind some reassurance that the executive branch is on board.

Beyond shedding light on the Justice Department’s evolving understanding of presidential immunity, the brief has several potential downstream consequences for Trump’s legal liability. Most immediately, it makes it more probable—we’d hazard to guess even highly likely—that the D.C. Circuit will deny Trump immunity in this case, albeit on the narrow grounds that the government has suggested. Trump will undoubtedly appeal to the Supreme Court, which in turn is quite likely to hear the case, raising as it does core issues of executive power and offering an opportunity for the Court to clarify its aging, four-decades-old Nixon v. Fitzgerald precedent. How the Supreme Court would rule is anybody’s guess, but given the 6–3 conservative supermajority, Trump would certainly have a fighting chance.

The Justice Department’s brief also gives clues to how, if it chooses to indict Trump for his campaign to overthrow the 2020 election, the department would prosecute the case. Although presidents are not categorically immune from criminal liability for official actions, any substantive defense to such an indictment would undoubtedly include a claim that the action was not illegal because it was within the president’s official duties. (Trump’s lawyers made similar arguments in relation to the Mueller probe, though no criminal charges resulted.) Here, the Justice Department has already made the case for why Trump’s Jan. 6 speech doesn’t fall within that scope.

We wouldn’t go so far as Laurence Tribe, who argues that the Justice Department’s brief is a “signal” that a Trump indictment is “more likely than not.” A criminal trial brought by the federal government would have much higher legal and political stakes, not to mention burdens of proof, than does a civil suit brought by a collection of individuals. But if the Justice Department does indict Trump, it will have a ready answer when he claims that his conduct on and around Jan. 6 was—as he likes to insist about his other abuses of power—“perfect.”

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myhauntedsalem · 1 year

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The Hatchet Man

Around 1815, a tailor named Andrew Hellman emigrated from Germany to Virginia. He took Mary Abel as his wife and together they moved at least twice, first to Carroll County, Ohio, then to Logan County. Along the way the two of them had three children, Louisa, born in 1822; Henry in 1824; and John in 1828.

All sounds pretty normal, right? In actuality, Hellman was a lunatic who beat his wife mercilessly. When his first son was born he disowned him because he thought his wife was cheating on him with someone else. He tried to poison her but was unsuccessful.

Finally, in 1839, Andrew Hellman had his first success with homicide. He used poison again, and this time, his children Louisa and John succumbed. Henry lived only because of Mary’s valiant efforts to resuscitate him.

One can only imagine what a horrible life the Hellman’s had at a time when beating your wife wasn’t considered a big deal. Even the dead children didn’t do much to raise the alarm, apparently, because Andrew was still free when, on September 26, 1839, he hacked his wife to death with an axe. Henry once again slipped past by having the good sense to stay away that day.

They finally arrested Hellman for the hatchet murder, and they took him to jail in Bellefontaine. He then proceeded to escape before he could be tried and ride his horse to safety. He fled to Baltimore, Maryland, in 1840, and began the next chapter in his weird, psychopathic life.

In Baltimore, he took a new name, Adam Horn, married a new woman named Malinda Hinkle and moved into a house with her. They had just a couple of years to enjoy each other’s company before Hellman/Horn got sick of her and once again chopped his wife into pieces with a hatchet in March of 1843. He spread pieces of her all over the property, including an upstairs room and in a shallow grave near the orchard. Her head was never found at all. They say he saw ghost lights around the places where he hid her body parts and was scared into fleeing, therefore revealing himself.

They hung him on January 12, 1844. He was buried next to Louisa and his kids in Logan County’s Harrod Cemetery, near Huntsville, where his tombstone is said to glow with spectral light.

But the real legend is about Andrew Hellman himself, who haunts the area where he once terrorized his first family. Specifically, he roams the very rural McArthur Township Road 56, just northwest of Bellefontaine, with his hatchet in hand ready to kill anyone unlucky enough to be in his area at night. He particularly hates women. So if your car breaks down on Township Road 56 some night…be afraid.

#The Hatchet Man #unsolved mystery #paranormal #ghost and hauntings #ghost and spirits #murder #haunted salem #myhauntedsalem

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