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#illyria 1813
josefavomjaaga · 4 months
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Junot in Eugène's correspondence of 1813
Just to add to the confusion about Junot’s sojourn in Illyria, I’ve put together a list of excerpts that I could find at first glance about Junot in volume 9 of the DuCasse edition of Eugène’s correspondence. It is quite likely that some letters are missing, DuCasse only publishing what he considered worthy of publication.
For context: Eugène was technically only viceroy of Italy but factually control center for anything connected to the Italian peninsula, Illyria and the Ionian islands, often tasked with support (and soon defense) and communication. He had, however, left for the Russian campaign in mid-1812 and only returned back to Milan on 18 May 1813 (to a complete economical breakdown and the bankrupcy of several Milanese banks due to Napoleon’s »France first!« policy, btw).
Junot, as to him, according to Paul Pisani’s book about Dalmatia, reached Trieste on 25 May 1813 (not sure if this is correct, see below), coming from France where he had been since February (?), following the Russian campaign.
Eugène to Napoleon, Milan, 19 May 1813 […] The news from Illyria is that the Duke of Abrantès is touring the Dalmatian coast.
If Eugène, on the second day of his return home, already has news about Junot in Illyria, the latter must have been in the region for some time before 25 May. Maybe Pisani only meant his official entry into Trieste.
Eugène to Napoleon, Milan, 14 June 1813 [Listing up preparations and fortifications in Italy, then in the provinces not directly under his command] […] I have written to the Duke of Abrantès about the position of Zara and Raguse: I am also writing to him to form some supplies around the points of Laybach to nourish the troops due to assemble there. […] I intend to create two corps for the observation army on 1 July [...]. One of the two corps will be commanded by General Grenier, and, as I think that neither General Miollis, given his age, nor the Duc d'Abrantès, given the state of his health, are suitable for the other corps, I would ask Your Majesty for a general officer, like General Grouchy, if it is true that he is currently unemployed.
This is Eugène for the first time addressing the elephant in the room: Illyria is under command of Junot, and Junot is not fit to command an army, not even an army corps anymore.
Same date, different letter: Sire, I have the honour of reporting to Your Majesty that the latest reports from the sea announce the 4th battalion of the 4th Light Infantry, which I am sending to Dalmatia to relieve the two battalions of the 5th Light Infantry, had happily landed at Trieste. Today's telegraphs from Venice report that a ship and a corvette, a second ship and a frigate are cruising at the tip of Istria. 4 or 5 boats from the latter vessels appeared three days ago in front of Fiume, where they disembarked and caused some disorder in town. I have not yet received a report from the Duke of Abrantès, who, according to what I have just learned, is settling in Gorizia on account of his health, in other words, at one of the farthest ends of his government. I am very upset that Your Majesty has not placed someone in that country who would not cause General Bertrand to be missed as much.
General Bertrand of course being Junot’s predecessor as governor of Illyria. - This letter was the main reason why I wanted to make this post, in particular the last sentence. Eugène actually writes »Je suis faché que Votre Majesté...«., and for Eugène, that’s quite a strong wording. In fact, it’s precisely the wording Napoleon usually uses if he wants to express his strong displeasure at something (only topped by »je suis mécontent«). Eugène daring to openly critisize Napoleon’s decision is highly unusal for him.
But I get his frustration. He was left pretty much alone with everything concerning Italy, be it politics or military, and could not even rely on the governor of the most vulnerable province because Napoleon had decided to put somebody in charge there who was clearly incapable of doing his job.
Which makes me wonder why Napoleon had sent Junot to Illyria in the first place. Sure, maybe he had thought Junot would have nothing but representative duties there, maybe he really had not suspected Austria would change sides. Which would be stupid because his generals in charge of the remnants of the Grande Armée had informed him of Austria’s wavering attitude since at least March 1813, Poniatowsi probably earlier. But as soon as Napoleon realized there was a chance of Austria going to war – and he had realized by this time, hence his insistence Eugène organise the defense of Illyria – it was essential to replace Junot with somebody else.
Why didn’t he do it? Frankly, I feel like he didn’t care. Defending Italy was Eugène’s job, after all. And Napoleon needed all good generals and all good troops in Germany. Same attitude as in Spain.
But in the next letter, Junot for the first time gives a sign of life:
Eugène to Napoleon, Milan, 22 June 1813 […] The Duke of Abrantès answers me that he has taken all the measures to complete the supply of Raguse and Zara, and that he hopes that it will be done very shortly. I recommended that he take preparatory measures to ensure the subsistence of the troops who might perhaps gather towards Laybach.
And some more on the next day, in the next letter:
Eugène to Napoleon, Milan, 23 June 1813 […] I have the honour of sending to Your Majesty several reports from the Duke of Abrantès concerning the presence of the enemy in the Illyrian area and the two small landings they have made near Ragusa and in Istria.
So apparently Junot (or somebody acting for him) was still able to put together reports at this point.
Eugène to Napoleon, Milan, 27 June 1813 Sire, I had the honour of writing to Your Majesty to ask for General Grouchy for one of the lieutenancies of the army of Italy. In the event that Your Majesty does not deem it appropriate to grant me this, I will ask him for General Molitor to command the 2nd lieutenancy. I have already served with this general and I have nothing but praise for him. Your Majesty appears to be considering General Miollis and the Duc d'Abrantès; but I dare to assure you that neither of them is suitable for this command, one because of his age, the other because of his health, given the qualities necessary to train young troops and command them.
Eugène still really fearing Napoleon might put Junot in charge of an army at this point. Also, Napoleon still not having answered Eugène's request from two weeks ago, while time was pressing, shows how much interest he had in events in Italy.
Eugène to Napoleon, Milan, 29 June 1813 […] I report to Your Majesty that on the 24th of this month the enemy made a small landing in Istria near Pola, of approximately 5 to 600 men. He ransacked several houses and particularly the public administrations and took several civil servants with him. I have not yet received detailed reports of this fact from the Duke of Abrantès.
And now the shit hits the fan:
Eugène to Napoleon, Monza, 30 June 1813 Sire, I have the honour of reporting to Your Majesty that I received this morning the two letters that I enclose here as originals. The private information I received concurs with these two reports. I think that it is becoming very urgent, for Your Majesty's service, to appoint a good general officer to fulfil the functions of Governor of Illyria. The Duc d'Abrantès is definitely no longer good for anything, and I think that Your Majesty can authorise him to return to France to look after his health. However, as it was my duty to provide for the most urgent matters, I immediately sent Adjutant Commandant Lecat to Illyria to fulfil the duties of Chief of Staff. He is a very calm and reliable officer, who is used to dealing with details and who will surely carry out the orders he receives.
So this is the point when Junot’s subordinates take the – rather extraordinary – step to write to the next guy up the line they could find, i.e. Eugène, to please please please do something. The something then being Eugène sending somebody who can do Junot’s job, without officially replacing him.
Then we have a brief and rather curious letter from Napoleon, who at this point cannot yet have received Eugène’s last one about Junot needing to be replaced:
Napoleon to Eugène, Dresden, 1st July 1813 My son, I am sending you a letter from the Duke of Abrantès. As you have command of Illyria, I assume that you are providing for the defence of this country.
I really wish there was more information to this. (Does somebody happen to have the 1813 volume of the new Correspondance Générale)? Had Junot complained to Napoleon about a lack of help coming from Italy? Or had he accidentally/on purpose sent reports he should have sent to Eugène to Napoleon directly instead? Some later remarks make me suspect that.
Eugène to Napoleon, Monza, 2 July 1813 I also have the honour of sending Your Majesty the report made to me by the colonel of the gendarmerie of Illyria on the continuing illness of the Duc d'Abrantès. I have written to the Intendant General of the Illyrian provinces asking him to give all his care to the Governor General, to have him carefully guarded at home if his state of insanity continues, and that, if this state causes the slightest scandal, he should send him to France to take care of his health.
Apparently Eugène has received additional information and realizes that it’s become necessary to lock Junot away from the public.
Eugène to Napoleon, Padua, 5 July 1813 Sire, I have the honour of sending word to Your Majesty that a secretary of the Duke of Abrantès is arriving at this moment to tell me verbally, on behalf of the Duke, that the English have landed at Fiume.
This would be the landing mentioned in Eugène’s letter of 14 June, presumably? Or a second one? In any case, sending a secretary all the way to meet Eugène in Italy instead of using the official channels is probably another sign of Junot loosing his cognitive capabilities.
In the meantime, in Germany, Napoleon gets the news:
Napoleon to Eugène, Dresden, 6 July 1813 My son, I have received your dispatch of 1 July with the letter from the consul of Trieste of 28 June. After an event like this, there is not a moment to lose in ordering the Duc d'Abrantès to go home to Burgundy. The administration will pass into the hands of the intendant. You can give this mission to one of your aides-de-camp, who will report to you on everything and submit anything important to your decision. Show this unfortunate man all the kindness his position requires; but remove him quickly from a country where he is a distressing sight.
And because on second thought it probably dawned on him that this situation was, in the end, his own fault for sending Junot to such an important post in the first place, he firmly puts the blame elsewhere one day later:
Napoleon to Eugène, Dresden, 7 July 1813 My son, I am surprised that after everything the Duc d'Abrantès has done you have not sent him back to France. I can only express my displeasure that you have not put an end to such a distressing spectacle for French people in a foreign country. Send him away without delay and, as he must not go to Paris, where he is too well known, he must be taken to his father's home near Dijon. Write to the Minister of War requesting that his wife go to meet him and take him there.
Of course Eugène is not in any position to simply remove and reinstate the highest-ranking official of a French province, an official who has been installed by the emperor. I would not want to hear what Napoleon would have had to say if Eugène actually had done that. 😋 (Just ask Soult, he knows.)
Also, I’m not really very fond of Laure Junot. But she has all my sympathy here, together with Junot’s old father. - Tell his wife and his family to take care of the living carcass we depose on their doorsteps!
The main thing Napoleon seems concerned with about Junot's situation is appearance. Junot must not embarrass the empire. I feel like that's what pains me the most.
Eugène to Napoleon, Venise, 8 July 1813 Sire, I have received the reports on the situation in Illyria which the Duke of Abrantès sent to the Minister of War, and which Your Majesty has done me the honour of returning to me. I have the honour of reporting to Your Majesty of the measures which I considered necessary to take to ensure tranquillity there: […]
This I presume to be the reply to Napoleon’s brief letter from 1st July. (That concerns you, as you’re in charge of that Illyrian stuff.) Apparently, Junot had sent those reports about the situation in Illyria all the way to Clarke in Paris, instead of to Eugène (who repeatedly remarked that he was waiting for reports), and Clarke then had nothing better to do then send it onto Napoleon, who then sent them back to Eugène. It’s not as if these are pressing matters, after all.
Eugène to Napoleon, Udine, 11 July 1813 […] I saw the Duke of Abrantès myself yesterday in Treviso; I could ascertain that he had completely lost his mind and that he badly needed treatment for his health. I took the necessary steps to ensure that two officers and two attendants would bring him back to his family with all possible care, and I arranged for the appropriate funds to be handed over to him, as he was completely destitute in this respect.
Eugène to Napoleon, same date, second letter, apparently somewhat later I have just received the letter which Your Majesty wrote to me concerning the Duc d'Abrantès. Your Majesty will see from the letter I had the honour of writing to Him this morning that I had already taken the measures made necessary by the Duke's health, after ascertaining his situation for myself. I am carrying out the order given to me by Your Majesty concerning Illyria, by immediately sending General d'Anthouard, the only one of my aides-de-camp of a high rank who is currently available.
Which is probably something that should not be overlooked: All this took place during frantic action, and Eugène had to take care of Junot while being overburdened with tasks from reorganizing the military situation between Piedmont and Illyria, putting together an army corps at Laibach and evacuating all mercury and other resources from the Illyrian mines so invading Austrian forces would not get them (explicit order from His Majesty dearest). So loosing his only experienced aide-de-camp was probably not all too welcome at the moment.
Eugène to Napoleon, still 11 July 1813, third letter, in the evening […] Your Majesty will have seen from my previous reports that the Duke of Abrantès is already on his way to France. He is accompanied by two officers and several ordinances. I have given orders that he be handed over to his family in Burgundy, and I have written to the Duke of Feltre so that, in accordance with Your Majesty's intentions, his wife can come and meet him.
Oh, and because Napoleon alone is not enough, now minister of War Clarke also has something to say:
Clarke to Eugène, Paris, 19 July 1813 Monseigneur, the news I have received from Gorizia and the dispatches addressed by Your Imperial Highness to the Emperor, which His Majesty has sent me, have informed me of the unfortunate state in which the Duke of Abrantès finds himself and which no longer leaves him the freedom of mind necessary to maintain the command entrusted to him. The Emperor has deigned to inform me that he is going to provide for the replacement of the General Duc d'Abrantès, and to designate another general officer for this purpose; but, while waiting for His Majesty's choice to be known, it is important that the exercise of military authority not be interrupted in the present circumstances. I have no doubt that this matter has attracted the particular attention of Your Imperial Highness. He is asked to inform me of the arrangements he has ordered to temporarily ensure the service since the departure of the Duc d'Abrantès.
I think that’s 19th century French court speak for »Ey! I’m the minister of war here and nobody tells me about Junot going crazy? What’s going on? You better make sure there’s somebody in Illyria, boy, `cause god knows when Napoleon is going to do something about the situation!«
Napoleon actually did act rather quickly, as Eugène already informs his ADC d’Anthouard five days later about Fouché being the new governor of Illyria.
I believe that’s all mentions of Junot’s deteriorating health in Eugène’s corespondence. Maybe it’s useful to somebody.
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empirearchives · 4 months
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LARGE PORTFOLIO OF GENERAL JUNOT, DUC D'ABRANTÈS, CONSULATE PERIOD (1801-1804)
In red morocco leather decorated with gold with a small iron, signed “Garnesson maison Égalité” under the flap, with five bellows and six dividing compartments inside; marked in gold “LE Gal DE Don JUNOT”; corners of reinforcements with cut sides and openwork plate with five anchor points, in silver; clover key lock.
In the state: (accidents, tears, restorations, missing key).
A large consulate-periode porte document of General Junot, duc d'Abrantès.
Provenance: Andoche JUNOT, Duke of Abrantès (1771-1813), then descendants.
Related work:
A wallet in private collection, marked “A JUNOT COLONEL GENERAL AIDE DE CAMP DE L'EMPEREUR”, which was used by Junot after July 1804.
History:
The existence of another portfolio of Junot allows us to date this one precisely, that is to say after his appointment as division general (November 20, 1801) and before his appointment as colonel general of the hussars in July 1804. Garnesson’s marking “Maison égale” (name of the Palais Royal between 1793 and the Consulate) confirms this dating.
Biography :
Jean Andoche Junot, Duke of Abrantès (1771-1813). Bonaparte’s aide-de-camp, he participated in the Italian and Egyptian campaigns, then was ambassador to Lisbon (1804) and governor general of Parma and Piacenza (1806). Commanding the army of Portugal, he achieved the success of Abrantes, entered Lisbon (November 1807), but, beaten by the English, he had to capitulate at Sintra (1808). He then fought in Spain (1810-1811), then was governor of Illyria (February 1813). He ended his life in 1813.
Source: Artcurial — Historical Memories - 24 january 2024
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bougredane · 3 years
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Do you have any details regarding how Napoleon reacted to Junot’s death? I haven’t really come across much, which seems strange given how close they’d once been + the extraordinary nature of Junot’s demise.
First of all, I’m SO sorry for the long response time on this ; I’m currently at my Paris appartment and I left the Dubief book and all of my other Junot texts (i.e. three books) back at my country house. So I meant to wait to respond until I could get back and check exactly what he has to say about Napoleon’s reaction to Junot’s death as the most recent/thorough biographer, but I just … havent gone back yet.
And it’s been weeks. 😬 
When I do, I’ll be sure to let you know how he - and the other Junot biographers - describe the aftermath, but in the meantime, here are a couple of other sources on Napoleon’s response to the news :
For one, there’s this letter from Napoleon to Savary. And for all the possible partiality of correspondance like this, at least this one probably exists :
« Dresde, 7 août 1813
Je reçois votre lettre du 2 août. J’ai éprouvé une véritable peine de ce que vous m’avez écrit de ce pauvre Junot. Il avait perdu mon estime dans la dernière campagne [celle de Russie], mais je n’ai pas pour cela cessé de lui être attaché. Aujourd’hui il a recouvré cette estime, puisque je vois que sa pusillanimité était déjà l’effet de sa maladie … » (1)
----
« Dresden, 7 August, 1813 
I’ve received your letter from 2 August. I was truly pained by what you wrote me about poor Junot. He had lost my esteem in the last campaign [Russia], but I hadn’t ceased to be attached to him because of it. Today he has regained that esteem, since I see that his cowardice was already the effect of his illness … » 
My own personal guess is that this is probably pretty close to how he reacted across the board as regards Junot’s death. They might not have been that close anymore by the end, but Napoleon probably regretted the loss of a very old friend, and may have felt bad about how he’d treated Junot, especially in the last years. 
And then of course there’s Laure’s side of the story. She says :
« Quand on lui remit la dépêche d’Albert, il la décacheta aussitôt, et, la retenant de la main gauche après avoir en lu les premières lignes, il se frappa violemment le front de la droite ; dans ce mouvement la dépêche lui échappa … il la releva avec la rapidité de l’éclair .. et puis il s’écria, mais avec un accent déchirant d’expression : 
- Junot ! … Junot ! … O mon Dieu …
Et il joignit les mains si fortement, que la dépêche en fût toute froissée … Junot ! répétait-il avec cette expression qui venait du cœur, et qui dénotait une douleur réelle ! … Mais, ayant regardé autour de lui, et voyant qu’il était observé, il ne voulut pas être homme devant un œil observateur ! … il sourit avec une expression triste, mais indéfinissable, et dit d’une voix haute, quoique altérée : 
- Voilà encore un de mes braves de moins ! … Junot ! … O mon Dieu ! ... »
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« When Albert's despatch reached him, he immediately opened it, and, holding it with his left hand after having read the first lines, he struck his brow violently with the right ; in that movement the despatch slipped from his grasp ... he picked it up with lightning speed .. and then he cried out, with a heart-rendingly expressive tone :
- Junot ! … Junot ! … My God … 
And he clasped his hands so tightly that the despatch was quite crumpled … Junot ! he repeated with that expression which came from the heart, and which spoke of real pain ! ... But, having looked around, and seeing that he was being watched, he did not want to be a man in front of an observant eye ! ... he smiles with a sad, indefinable expression, and says in a loud, albeit distorted voice :
- There we have it, one fewer of my brave men ! … Junot ! … My God ! … »
I for one am not entirely sure what to make of this - my guess is that it’s pretty much totally fabricated, or at least very, very embellished. For one thing, Laure wasn’t anywhere near Napoleon (or Junot, for that matter) when all of this was taking place - she claims to have had it from a « témoin oculaire [eye-witness] », so even if everyone along the chain is trying to relay the truth in good faith, we’re still one more degree removed than usual with memoires.
And then there’s the fact that just following this scene, she writes that after 15+ minutes of trying to pull himself together, Napoleon manages to push back « ces affections pures et saintes, qui retrempaient son âme et lui donnaient ce charme puissant qu’il perdit au reste en perdant ceux qu’il aimait et dont il était aimé … » at which time he remarks that he now has nobody in Illyria, and that someone will have to be sent to fill the vacancy. Charles Hugh MacKay (the same guy from the Univ. of Florida that @maggiec70​ knows) makes the good point that Nap. knew Junot was ill, had him removed from his post in early July, and then placed on the retirement list a week before his death - so he definitely was aware by this point there was no one in Illyria. (... But then, just to play the other side, he could foreseeably have been looking for something official and to-the-point to say at a particularly difficult moment.)
One more thing that’s sort of interesting, which I’ve seen referenced a couple of times, is this apparent order by Napoleon - as soon as he heard about Junot’s death - to send someone to his house and to destroy all of the correspondance that had passed between them. I’ll have to see if Dubief talks about that at all, because the other sources I’ve seen that mention it don’t bother to say where they got that info from. (If anybody’s read all of Savary, you may have heard about this - I think it might have been him that was sent with the order.)
(1) Lettres inédites de Napoléon 1er (An VIII-1815). Publiés par Léon Lecestre. Plon : 1897, tome II, pp. 279-280.
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elija-oc-art · 4 years
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@freecatmeow (sorry I can’t tag you properly)
Actually they don't really feel bad when the French left in 1814, and don't be surprise if they attended celebration events for the Habsburgs right after. But eventually these two would recognize the importance of this short period as the the further growth of national consciousness in later periods of the 19th century.
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@flyingsassysaddles​
Now she will consider it movement is very important for her in so many ways. She did feel excited when in touched of these works published back then when she was only represent Carniola and haven’t be Slovenia yet.
(Also I am not taking more 19th century event asks at the moment)
Following the Napoleonic Wars, in 1809 the French Empire ceded territory along the Dalmatian coast and established Illyrian Provinces (contained contemporary Slovenia, Croatia and some parts of Austria), named after the Roman province of Illyricum with Laibach/Ljubljana as the capital. The main purpose was to cut off Austria’s access to Italy and the Mediterranean Sea and but also tighten the blockade to against British Empire. The Napoleonic Code was introduced, roads and schools were constructed, local citizens were given administrative posts and native languages were used to conduct official business. The French rule was short-lived, Austria declared war on France and their troops invaded Illyria in 1813 and retook in 1814.
On the one hand the reforms were not that successful and didn’t gain much popularity from local people since the high tax and they didn't like being conscripted into the French army and such. On the other hand the French rule was gratitude by the intellectuals and did contributed to their nationalist movements. Since the late 18th century under the influence of the Enlightenment, Slovene intellectuals published works about language, culture, art and ect, thus the term Slovene Enlightenment. Kingdom of Illyria (without Croatia and Dalmatia) established as a crown land of the Austrian Empire in 1816, the capital was Laibach/Ljubljana.
Few decades later, the Illyrian Movement from 1830s to 1840s occurred in Croatia,  not only Croatian language got the standard orthography (devised by Ljudevit Gaj) during this time but the movement itself was also embraced all South Slavs. Illyrian Provinces was the first time South Slavs were united outside the Habsburgs or the Ottomans.  Slovene intellectuals, however choose to not associate with this movement. Later in 1840s the Slovene alphabet still in use today that was based on Gaj's was standardized.
Note: It should be mentioned that, the lands that comprised contemporary Croatia and Slovenia were not under single political units during the early 19th century. Slovene were the vast majority of Carniola, much lesser in Gorizia then minor in Styria, Carinthia and Istria. All of these regions expect Carniola are divided in different countries now. The term and the idea of an united Slovenia was mentioned first in 1840s. Croatia and Slavonia were under the crown of St. Stephen of Hungary, Dalmatia and the Military Frontier was under the direct administration of Vienna.
(xxxxx)
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josefavomjaaga · 15 days
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Ida Saint-Elme about Junot
Some of the most colourful descriptions of Junot's decline in 1813, while he was gouvernor of the Illyrian provinces, actually comes from Ney-fangirl No. 1, La Contemporaine, Ida Saint-Elme. And while there seems to be some doubt about Ida really going to Illyria during the first half of 1813, what she describes may still be very true. Her editor was one Charles Nodier, who had been called to Trieste as a librarian by Junot's predecessor Bertrand and who must have been an eye-witness to most events. But before she goes into details about her pretended sojourn in Trieste, Ida gives a short description of Junot:
Much has been said about the Duc d'Abrantès. Few soldiers have deserved to be immortalized in the bulletins through more brilliant and more numerous feats of arms.
I'm not quite sure was she is referring to here. What were Junot's major feats of arms?
But it would be unfair to see him as nothing more than a common soldier. A writing master would have envied his pen and a fencing master his fine bearing under arms. He held himself marvellously in a salon; a little upright, a little tense, showing off with some affectation his height, his legs, those natural and brilliant advantages which were disputed in the army only by Count Pajol, his rival in bravery and loyalty. He fired weapons like M. de Bondy, and recognised only Fournier and Delmas as his rivals for the pistol. He had less successful ambitions as a dancer. I think that his merit in this area has been somewhat exaggerated and I do not see that his memory has much to gain from succeeding in the Anglaise and the Montferrine.
Like Chamillard, the minister of Louis XIV, Junot played billiards in a remarkable manner. When it came to billiards in particular, he should not have been offended by any rival claims. In this genre, he had tried everything, executed everything, perfected everything. He was prouder of it than of the most brilliant memory of his military successes. For example, it was to him that we owe the instrument that cuts the billiard cue without slowing down the game, which Bouvard had just brought to him from Paris. I have seen high lords, grave diplomats, bishops and princes compliment him on it.
She then continues with the, I believe, rather infamous anecdote of Junot drinking "sulphuric ether" at dinner.
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josefavomjaaga · 3 years
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Brief timeline for the story of Murat and Eugène in Italy
Pinned for now until we get a better one. Just some random dates to give context. To be expanded.
***
1812
December 5: Napoleon leaves what remains of the Grande Armée at Smorgoni, giving superior command to Joachim Murat. Eugène begs Napoleon to be allowed to leave for Italy because there is so much bad blood between him and Murat, but is told to stay and do his duty
The Grande Armée then completely breaks down and dissolves, the retreat turns into a flight without order or organisation
1813
January 17, Posen (Poland): Having asked for permission to go to Naples twice and never having received a reply, Murat decides to leave the army. He summons Eugène and hands over superior command to him – or tries to, because Eugène refuses to accept it from him, if Napoleon has not consented to it. It’s only on Berthier’s insistance that he takes over command provisionally (letters by Eugène from January 17). As Eugène later writes to his wife: »This devil of a king of Naples now has left me with this great burden.« He also asks her to inform herself if Murat really had passed through Milan - »because to us he said he was ill and would go to Kassel to cure himself! Not bad for a sick man  to pass the Alps and make the trip to Naples in one leg!« - In other words, he’s really mad at Murat.
January 27, Paris: An article of »Le Moniteur«, France’s main newspaper, states that »The King of Naples, being indisposed, had to leave the command of the army, which he handed over to the Viceroy. The latter is more accustomed to large-scale administration. He has the full confidence of the Emperor.« This wounds Murat deeply.
A letter from Napoleon to Caroline further widens the gap between Napoleon and Murat
In Germany, Eugène desperately tries to reorganize what is left of the army but can only conceed territory for time, while Napoleon builds a new army in France
Spring and summer: Murat in Naples starts talks with both Austrian (Mier) and British (Bentinck) diplomats. (Letters from that period)
April: Napoleon returns to Germany with a fresh army and joins forces with Eugène’s.
May 2: Battle of Lützen. (Death of Bessières)
May 12: Eugène, exhausted and despirited, is allowed to return to Milan. Last time he sees Napoleon.
June 4: Armistice of Pleiswitz between France on one side and Russia and Prussia on the other. Austria remains neutral and declares herself mediator.
June 26: Metternich and Napoleon meet in Dresden for an eight-and-a-half-hours discussion. Metternich tries to explain to Napoleon that in order ro receive peace, he will have to make territorial concessions and give up France’s stranglehold on the rest of Europe. Napoleon refuses but still agrees to peace talks in Prague
July 12 – August 10: Peace congress of Prague (with Caulaincourt as negotiator for France). Ends with an Austrian ultimatum: If Napoleon does not agree to certain concessions, Austria will declare war on France. Napoleon refuses. Austria declares war.
August: Murat leaves Naples, joins the French army in Germany and returns to Napoleon’s side, his talks with Austria are broken off for now
In Upper Italy, Eugène is meanwhile attacked by Austrian forces after having to give up Illyria completely. He retreats to the Adige.
October 8: Bavaria, the largest of Napoleon’s Rhinebund states, joins the Allies. Huge effect on Eugène both practically (direct neighbour state, his northern flank is exposed) and psychologically: The Bavarian king is the father of his beloved wife and a very close friend. Eugène over the next days has to retreat to the Mincio.
October 17 – 19: Battle of Leipzig. Napoleon is soundly defeated and has to retreat behind the Rhine. The Rhinebund dissolves, its member states one by one joining the Allies
End of October/beginning of November: Murat leaves Napoleon (last time he sees him) and returns to Naples. He has to stop in Milan due to having lost his carriages in the mountains. Immediately resumes his talks with Austria, but the British commander in Sicily, Lord Bentinck, now has become hostile towards Murat personally and stalls negotiations
November/December: Napoleon expects Murat to send auxiliary forces to Upper Italy to help Eugène, Murat refuses, arguing his own kingdom is threatened by British forces
November 23: Eugène meets with a secret messager sent by his father-in-law, King Max Joseph of Bavaria, who tries to make him join the Allies and offers him the crown of the Kingdom of Italy. Eugène refuses
December 31: Allied forces cross the Rhine. France will be invaded within the coming weeks
1814
January: Murat signs a treaty with Austria. He now is supposed to move against Napoleon’s remaining forces in the Italian peninsula: Miollis in Rome, Elisa in Tuscany, Borghese in Piedmont and Eugène in the Kingdom of Italy (Lombardy). Eugène, who has been Napoleon’s main lieutenant in Italy for years, being the main opponent
January 16: Austrian envoy Count Mier returns to Naples and adresses the situation at court and Murat’s disposition
January/February: Neapolitan troops slowly move north through the Italian peninsula. As Murat has not officially declared himself an enemy yet, in the beginning they are even invited in by the French and receive weapons and support from their depots. But the ways they act rouse more and more suspicion.
January 14: Eugène writes a letter to Murat, basically asking: so what now, you with us or against us? Murat answers: … well, I’m not sure … I guess against you … kinda … but tell Napoleon I love him, okay? - Eugène: WTF? (They keep exchanging letters of that kind until March.)
January 17: Napoleon for the first time acknowledges to Eugène that Murat has jumped ship
Murat goes to Bologna to join his troops. His new Austrian and British allies are more and more weary of him as he does not seem to be willing to attack Eugène’s Italy-French forces
February 8: Napoleon improvises a plan to evacuate Italy and leave the whole country to Murat, he wants all forces back in France for a final struggle against the invading allies
February 16 - 19: Eugène refuses to follow Napoleon’s order to return to France, arguing that Murat has not even attacked him yet, and complains to Napoleon about his lack of trust.
February 26: On learning that Murat’s treaty with the Allies has not been ratified yet, Napoleon immediately orders Joseph to write to Murat and to get him back onto Napoleon’s side (Joseph writes his letter on February 28)
March 1: After yet another secret meeting between one of his officers and Murat, an exasperated Eugène sends a “note of proposals” to Napoleon - with conditions under which Murat would be ready to return to attack the Austrians; Eugène declares he is “in fact communicating this ridiculous piece only to give [Napoleon] a fair idea of the delirium that has taken hold of the king’s head“. To his wife he calls Murat “decidedly nuts“ (letters to be found at the end of this post).
March 7: Murat attacks Eugène’s Italians in Reggio but seems to have retreated again almost immediately, leading to yet another fallout with Austrian commander Bellegarde and a long letter of excuses
March 12: After receiving a letter from Murat, assuring Napoleon of his love and devotion and basically begging for forgiveness, and Murat’s conditions for his return into the French camp, Napoleon orders Eugène to betray Murat: Promise him whatever he wants, just so he returns to our side; we do not have to keep promises with that one.
March 23: Negotiations between Eugène and Murat about the division of Italy are broken off / postponed by one infuriated viceroy
March 31: The Allied forces occupy Paris
April 6: Napoleon abdicates as both Emperor of the French and King of Italy (Eugène’s position and powers of viceroy thus seize to exist)
April 16: Military convention between Eugène and Bellegarde, the commander of the Austrian forces. All French forces return home. Eugène calls on the Senate in Milan to install him as King of (Upper) Italy/Lombardy. Uprising in Milan by Italian partisans (general Pino among them), the minister of finances, Prina, gets tortured to death.
April 23/4: Second military convention between Eugène and Bellegarde. Eugène hands over the remnants of the Kingdom of Italy to Austria and leaves with his family for Munich
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Random story: Somewhen in between, on April 13, Auguste, Eugène’s wife, now suddenly only a »Madame de Beauharnais« without title, had born her fifth child in Mantua (spoiler alert: it was daughter no. 4). According to an anecdote, Eugène, as was custom, had a certain number of salute shots fired at the birth of a little Imperial princess. On hearing that, Austrian commander Bellegarde answered with a salute of his own – after all, while Auguste was the wife of the enemy commander, she was also the daughter of an allied king. As a newspaper article stated: »In such chivalrous fashion ended the war in Italy.«
23 notes · View notes