Armchair Activism?

The usage of social media as an outlet for activism and change is largely debated, as discussed in my previous post. Many agree that social media is a useful and easily accessible tool for activism and networking, however can we consider online activism to be true, or is it a lesser “armchair activism”? What differentiates the two, and why?

As per the Cambridge dictionary, armchair activism, popularly known as slacktivism, stands for “An activity that uses the internet to support political or social causes in a way that does not need much effort, for example creating or signing online petitions. Such forms of advocacy, particularly those related to social media, are often derisively referred to as “slacktivism” or “armchair activism”. Devika Sahin in an article for ScoopWhoop writes, “Tweeting about change is not social activism. It’s a sign of the superficial lives we lead...” Human beings are social creatures. We seek attention and validation from others. Often, this means we indulge in conversations (especially online) attempting to prove a point that is strong enough to get us noticed; and this is what Sahin deducts millennial armchair activism from.

Another article written by Kaylin Mathes for The Breeze backs Sahin’s stance, writing “We’ve all seen the power of social media sharing. Within days, a social issue, movement , or cause goes viral throughout the online world, gaining the support and discussion of thousands and sometimes even millions. While social media activism is effective and efficient at spreading news, its usually faced with a discord when transferring this support to a real-world setting.” Most of the people interacting in online causes and sharing posts that promote activism end their contributions there; social media activism needs to translate into the way we approach real word activism.

Anthony Roberson, Jr., a social media specialist for AIDS.gov brought up a useful analogy to test if a cause’s online activism translates into the real word. He states, “If you’re in a room and you ask 100 people to stand up, would they? Well, if you’re on social media and you ask your followers to take action and do something, would they? If not, you obviously have a disconnect, and you need to reevaluate how you’re relaying your message.”

I personally have seen slacktivism in the works many times. In fact, just last year I attended a rally for the DACA Dream Act, organized by some students at the community college I attended prior to UB. The online Facebook event had well over 250 people marked as “interested” or “attending,” but when the actual event took place there were only a handful of students and alumni present. It’s easy to feel as if you’re doing true social activism by sharing a Facebook post or using a hashtag on twitter, and often that does indeed spark real life conversations and movements, such as Black Lives matter for instance. However in cases like the Dream Act rally, clicks and likes do not reflect real change and translate properly.

Unfortunately, not many answers have been given as to how we can transform armchair activism into real life movements. Utilizing social media as an activism tool is an innovative approach, but there needs to be a realistic expectation about what can be achieved through these outlets. Just because there’s a lot of content doesn’t mean it’s good, and just because you have an online following doesn’t mean you are reaching your audience effictively. There must be a strategic and methodical interaction between those who have built themselves a social platform and the audience they are trying to reach. Hillary Esquina, a senior manager of multimedia at the National Wildlife Federation says, “The future of activism and philanthropy will always come down to the core of what it is today. Storytelling. No matter what media or digital outlet - storytelling will always be key to engaging the audience.”

A hashtag in and of itself is not a movement, but put together with photojournalism, blog posts, and dialog, a story is created; and stories spark movements.

As always, thank you for reading and I’ll see you next week.

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Sources:

Datko, A. (2015, October 22). Social Media Activism: Converting Online Engagement Into Real-World Change. Retrieved from https://hub.fullsail.edu/articles/social-media-activism-converting-online-engagement-into-real-world-change

Mathes, K. (2018, September 05). Opinion | Social media activism doesn't mirror real world action. Retrieved from https://www.breezejmu.org/opinion/opinion-social-media-activism-doesn-t-mirror-real-world-action/article_032b20ca-b137-11e8-9ce6-33d7aba9d084.html

Sahni, D. (2016, November 29). Tweeting About Change Is Not Social Activism. It's A Sign Of The Superficial Lives We Lead. Retrieved from https://www.scoopwhoop.com/Armchair-Activism/

SLACKTIVISM | definition in the Cambridge English Dictionary. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.google.com/amp/s/dictionary.cambridge.org/us/amp/english/slacktivism

Black Panther returned to the big screen with free screenings at nonprofit art house theaters nationwide on Tuesday, November 27. Presented by Film Comment, a publication of the Film Society of Lincoln Center, and supported by the Art House Convergence, the event will featured a post-screening Q&A with director Ryan Coogler, taking place at the Christopher B. Smith Rafael Film Center in San Rafael, CA, streamed live to participating theaters. The one-night-only event offered audiences an opportunity to experience the acclaimed film on the big screen once again with their local communities. Leading up to and during the Q&A, attendees were invited to submit their questions to Ryan Coogler on Twitter with the hashtag #AskBlackPanther. All attendees received a free one-year digital subscription to Film Comment magazine. Coogler, director and co-writer of Black Panther, was featured on the cover of Film Comment’s March-April 2018 issue with a story by Devika Girish. Nicolas Rapold, the magazine’s editor-in-chief, moderated the discussion. Black Panther is director Ryan Coogler’s take on a modern African hero and a utopian vision of what an uncolonized Africa might look like. The film explores the conflict between two powerful men, one African and one African-American, who are mirror images of each other, each grappling with his own history, home, and very identity. When Prince T’Challa (Chadwick Boseman) becomes king of the hidden, technologically advanced kingdom Wakanda, he is forced to defend his throne against rogue mercenary Erik Killmonger (Michael B. Jordan). Wakanda is also alive with strong, intelligent women—from Wakanda’s elite all-female security force, led by Okoye (Danai Gurira), to the international spy Nakia (Lupita Nyong’o), to T'Challa’s tech-savvy sister (Letitia Wright) and mother (Angela Bassett)—who are portrayed as equals to the men they protect and advise. FILM COMMENT Published since 1962, Film Comment magazine features in-depth reviews, critical analysis, and feature coverage of mainstream, art-house, and avant-garde filmmaking from around the world. Today a bimonthly print magazine and a website, the magazine was founded under the editorship of Gordon Hitchens, who was followed by Richard Corliss, Harlan Jacobson, Richard Jameson, Gavin Smith, and Nicolas Rapold. Past and present contributing critics include Paul Arthur, David Bordwell, Richard Combs, Manohla Dargis, Raymond Durgnat, Roger Ebert, Manny Farber, Howard Hampton, Molly Haskell, J. Hoberman, Richard Jameson, Kent Jones, Dave Kehr, Nathan Lee, Todd McCarthy, Jonathan Rosenbaum, Tony Rayns, Frank Rich, Andrew Sarris, Richard Schickel, Elliott Stein, Amy Taubin, David Thomson, Richard Thompson, Amos Vogel, Robin Wood, and many more. ART HOUSE CONVERGENCE The idea of the Art House Convergence was born when a group of exhibitors were brought together at the Sundance Film Festival as part of the Sundance Institute’s Art House Project. For two years, this small group of exhibitors met at the Sundance Film Festival to discuss independent film and independent film exhibition. In 2008, the group expanded and hosted the first Art House Convergence conference with 25 attendees. In 2018, over 640 exhibitors, film festivals, and allied organizations joined for a sold-out Annual Conference in Midway, UT. The Art House Convergence, having grown into a year-round organization, relies on several staff members and a passionate group of volunteers to help coordinate all of its events and programs, always striving to reflect its core intention, community-based, mission-driven. The upcoming 2019 Annual Conference will be held January 21-24 in Midway, UT before the start of the Sundance Film Festival. More info: http://filmcomment.com Subscribe: http://www.youtube.com/subscription_center?add_user=filmlincdotcom Like: https://ift.tt/2SmwZ0U Follow: http://twitter.com/filmcomment #BlackPanther #RyanCoogler

Will India's ‘Self-reliant India’ scheme bring relief to migrants during the COVID-19 pandemic?

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Will India's ‘Self-reliant India’ scheme bring relief to migrants during the COVID-19 pandemic?

Package intended for migrant workers left out of previous schemes

Image by Rajesh Balouria from Pixabay. Used under a Pixabay License.

Check out Global Voices’ special coverage of the global impact of COVID-19. As the nationwide COVID-19 lockdown extends, migrant workers in India continue to bear the brunt of its negative effects. Many industries have halted production as a result of the pandemic restrictions, leading to skyrocketing unemployment and food insecurity for the country's most vulnerable populations. On May 12, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the Atma Nirbhar Bharat Abhiyaan (Self-reliant India) relief and recovery scheme as well as information about the new iteration of India's lockdown plan called “Lockdown 4.0″. While the government claims that this new plan provides for the food needs of migrant workers, many critics — including the opposition party — are skeptical.

Self-reliant India

Under the Atma Nirbhar Bharat Abhiyaan scheme, Modi announced that an economic reform package of 20 lakh crore INR (265 Billion USD), he also asked people to support Indian businesses in order to kickstart the economy. Days after Modi's announcement, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman released details of the economic relief package in a five-part announcement that spread over five days. The economic relief stimulus package of 20 lakh crore INR (265 Billion USD) is not entirely new spending but is inclusive of the measures announced by the Reserve Bank of India in March 2020. According to Sitharaman, this package would provide food for migrant workers who could not benefit from earlier food relief schemes. To push for better distribution, the ‘One Nation, One Ration Card Scheme’ is being rolled out by the Ministry of Finance. With the implementation of this scheme, people with ration cards will be able to buy subsidized foodgrains from any Fair Price Shops (FPS) across the country. Currently, the subsidy can be used at an FPS connected to the home address on a person's ration card. This has been a particularly problematic hurdle for migrants who have been locked down far from their registered address. According to the new package, the Sitharaman has appealed to the states to ensure implementation of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) which tries to provide jobs for returning migrant workers in their villages. Social media users swiftly took to the internet to comment on this latest scheme.  Some made videos supporting the call from the government to support local businesses. They utilized the hashtags of Janata Army (which corresponds to the previous Janata curfew initiative) and Main Bhi Fauji (I am a soldier as well) in order to highlight the revival of the economy as a war against COVID-19:

View this post on Instagram

  Join the Janta Army to build an #AtmanirbharBharat, a self reliant India! Be #VocalForLocal to help revive the Indian economy. All you have to do is- 1. Buy an Indian product & make a post about it 2. Tag 3 friends to motivate them to do the same 3. Use the hashtags #MainBhiFauji and #JantaArmy Let's create a social media chain to save the Indian economy from collapsing. An initiative by @houseoflaxmipati #MainBhiFauji #JantaArmy #LaxmipatiSarees

A post shared by Abhi&Niyu | Following Love (@abhiandniyu) on May 12, 2020 at 9:56am PDT

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Year 2014 – Make in India Year 2015 – Skill India Year 2015 – Startup India Year 2020 – #AatmanirbharBharat

Scheme Wahi… Packing Nayi.. — Arjun Modhwadia (@arjunmodhwadia) May 13, 2020

(Same Scheme, New Packaging)

The word ‘aatmanirbhar’ (self-reliance) started trending and social media was flooded with memes.

New Definition of #atmanirbhar pic.twitter.com/6X6BuQg86c — आत्मनिर्भर डॉन EpicRoflDon (@EpicRoflDon) May 13, 2020

View this post on Instagram

Like if you have a partner, comment if you are Atmanirbhar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . #meme #funnyvideos #cutedogs #funnyanimals #cuteanimals #trending #modi #lockdown

A post shared by FilterCopy (@filtercopy) on May 14, 2020 at 4:31am PDT

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Latest relationship status #atmanirbhar pic.twitter.com/hJL449FPAe

— #StayHome (@ExSecular) May 13, 2020

However, the scheme is already being criticized for insufficient expenditure by the government to curb the falling GDP. This is based on the fact that 20 lakh crore INR is 10 percent of the GDP along with 1.7 lakh crore INR (approx 13 billion USD) package that was already announced in March. The criticism is also based on the fact that the Ministry of Finance has decided to invest in businesses to create jobs for wages as a part of a trickle-down plan instead of providing direct compensation. Members from the opposition party were quick to voice their skepticism:

The first set measures announced by @FinMinIndia @nsitharaman, after 8 PM speech by @narendramodi, is disastrous & non-existent in terms of benefits to poor migrants, labourers, contract employees, farmers, etc. 1/5#Covid19 — Siddaramaiah (@siddaramaiah) May 13, 2020

Graphics and cartoons flooded Twitter about the Aatma Nirbhar Relief Package:

A Migrant worker wheels son sleeping on suitcase.#MigrantLabours #MigrantWorkers #AatmaNirbharBharatAbhiyan #Corona #Covid_19india pic.twitter.com/ev8eyPu0p0 — mrityunjaycartoonist (@chmrityunjay) May 17, 2020

Brilliant! Privatisation of hunger! The pangs of hunger are the ultimate drum beats of #AatmaNirbharBharatAbhiyan pic.twitter.com/XlkesfnjR7 — Dipankar (@Dipankar_cpiml) May 18, 2020

Poor and the package! @sifydotcom cartoon #PackagePuzzle #lockdown pic.twitter.com/GaCNM7Ki8h — Satish Acharya (@satishacharya) May 14, 2020

No country for poor #nocountryforpoor #migrantworkers #india #covid19 #indians #atmanirbhar pic.twitter.com/3Je1PJWT1v — PENCILASHAN (@pencilashan) May 13, 2020

(Who will help us to reach home, Mom?- Atmanirbhar (self-reliant), son)

Insight into AtmaNirbhar Bharat Abhiyan by #NirmalaSitharaman . She made it more clear for us to understand. #AtmaNirbharBharatAbhiyan #JumlaPackage #atmanirbhar https://t.co/SWIO7IW3y0 pic.twitter.com/9AsprJgHAX — Catalyst (@CatalystVoid) May 14, 20

So far, the Union Cabinet has approved the allocation of food grains for 80 million migrant workers over the next two months, but they are yet to discuss other proposals under the scheme.

Written by Devika Sakhadeo · comments (0) Donate · Share this: twitter facebook reddit

Devika Rani was the first recipient of the Dadasaheb Phalke award, which was established by Jawaharlal Nehru. #KnowYourLegacy https://t.co/XoXq6cwIU5

To protest against Modi, these Indians are cooking beef in public

By Vidhi Doshi, Washington Post, June 6, 2017

KOZHIKODE, India--As soon as the evening call to prayer sounded over Kozhikode, a line formed along the esplanade. Volunteers started heaping food onto plates, cautious to keep the beef-to-rice ratio low, making sure there was enough to go around.

One man took out his smartphone to film the action; videos of beef-eating have been doing well on Facebook recently. News cameras from local stations zoomed in on the slogans plastered on a nearby screen that read “our food our choice.”

In this sleepy, palm-fringed city in southern India, eating beef has become a political act. On May 23, the Indian government introduced new anti-animal cruelty rules, restricting the sale of cattle in markets. The move was widely interpreted as an attempt to close in on the country’s thriving beef industry, in line with right-wing Hindu ideology, according to which the cow is considered holy.

Some think the new rules are too draconian. For the past week here in the southern state of Kerala, people have gathered with pots and pans and firewood to cook beef and share it with strangers in the streets, a convivial form of protest. Many Hindus, who usually avoid cooking or eating beef, have joined the feasts.

At stake is the country’s $4.3 billion beef industry, which provides 23 percent of the world’s beef exports. Since the government’s new rules were introduced, global beef prices have shot up and major brands such as Prada and Armani, which source leather from India, are concerned about the stability of their supply chains.

Small-time beef and leather traders will bear the brunt in India. Most of them are Muslims and lowest-caste dalits--the people once called “untouchables”--since Hindus historically considered these jobs “unclean.” According to Jayakumari Devika, associate professor and historian at the Center for Development Studies in Kerala, the new rules will allow large supermarket chains to control supply.

“Beef will become scarce,” she said, “at least for the time being.”

But for many in Kerala, the new rules are more than an economic blunder. To them, it epitomizes the arrogance of Hindu politicians in faraway New Delhi.

“For you in the north, beef may be food,” said Muhais Mohammed, one of those at Kozhikode’s beach. “For us, it is a deep-seated emotion.”

Since the election of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, cow ambulances, cow hostels and even a system of ID cards for tracking cows have been introduced in veneration of the sacred animal. This bovine obsession hints at a bigger lurch toward the right in the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. Protecting the “gau mata”--the cow mother--has long been on the agendas of Hindu supremacist groups such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, which has close links to the BJP and its ruling elite. In Hindu tradition, eating beef is considered unscrupulous, to be left to the morally inferior.

Many say that the Modi government’s anti-beef rhetoric has gone too far. Some argue it is emboldening bands of cow protectors, known to maul and even kill people suspected of carrying beef. In 2015, a mob dragged a man named Mohammad Akhlaq out of bed and beat him to death because they suspected he had slaughtered a calf. In recent months, a man was harassed because he was suspected of carrying a bag made of cowhide. In another case, a dairy farmer transporting cattle from a market to his village was killed.

For Keralans, the Hinduism of the north is unrecognizable. Hindus here coexist peacefully with sizable Muslim and Christian minorities. They consider themselves ethnically and culturally different from those in the north. Beef is a staple part of the local cuisine and culture. Even the state BJP here breaks with its northern allies on the issue; the state party promised better quality beef in a recent election campaign.

Since the ban, the hashtag #dravidanadu has trended on Twitter, calling for south India to break off from the north. In the neighboring state of Tamil Nadu, students at the elite Indian Institute of Technology Madras wore black and ate meat in front of news cameras. At one beef party, an ox was slaughtered and the video was shared online. Right-wing parties retaliated, throwing milk parties of their own, and carrying out vigilante attacks against protesters.

On Kozhikode’s beach, the feast lasted less than an hour, long enough to scrape a large pot of curry bare.

Danish Subair was traveling with his cousin through the city when he came across the celebration. “We also brought beef with us in our bag,” he said. “Everyone in Kerala is eating beef now. I have a friend who is big BJP supporter. Even he posted on Facebook yesterday about how much he loves beef.”

Taking cues from the south, states in eastern India are crying foul too. In West Bengal, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, a fierce critic of Modi, said that the government’s passage of the rules using anti-animal cruelty laws was underhanded and amounted to federal interference in state decisions. In Arunachal Pradesh, where the vast majority of people eat beef, Padi Richo, leader of the opposition Congress party, said the move was “dictatorial.” “Even China doesn’t do that,” he said.

Modi, a strict vegetarian, spoke often about cow protection during his election campaign in 2014. One of his slogans was “Vote Modi, give life to the cow.”

Spurred by a recent electoral triumph in state elections, the BJP has become increasingly nationalistic. In Uttar Pradesh, a hard-line Hindu cleric named Yogi Adityanath was appointed as chief minister and immediately launched a crackdown on illegal slaughterhouses, strangling the state’s booming beef industry. He also initiated “anti-Romeo” squads to crack down on Western-style public displays of affection.

The BJP, already weak in the south, is showing signs that it is alarmed by Kerala’s reaction. Party President Amit Shah swooped in over the weekend to do damage control, meeting with church leaders and party loyalists.

But for some, the government’s efforts to restrict access to beef are a sign of darker things to come. Referring to the largest ethnic group in Kerala, Devika said, “Beef has been a part of Malayali culture for many centuries. If there was a move to deny something very normal to you, wouldn’t you protest?”