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Discovery of the Kasıkcı Diamond
The story of the Kaşıkçı Diamond’s discovery, also known as “the appearance of a most precious diamond,” is a fascinating tale of unexpected fortune. According to historical sources, a circular stone was found in a neglected area in Egrikapi, Istanbul. Unaware of its true worth, the finder exchanged it for a few spoons at a local spoon-seller’s stall. Subsequently, a jeweler purchased the stone for ten gold pieces from the spoon-seller, initially unaware of its value. Upon realizing its authenticity, a dispute arose between the jeweler and his colleague who sought a share of the discovery. Eventually, the matter reached the Chief Jeweler of the Palace, who intervened and purchased the diamond from both parties, rewarding them with purses of gold coins.
Acquisition by the Imperial Treasury
Upon hearing of the remarkable diamond, Grand Vizier Mustafa Pasha expressed interest in acquiring it for himself. However, the Sultan intervened and issued a decree demanding the stone for the Imperial Treasury. After careful examination, the stone was confirmed to be an 84-carat, unparalleled diamond. Consequently, it was acquired for the treasury, symbolizing a significant addition to the imperial wealth. In recognition of his role in securing the diamond, the Chief Jeweler of the Palace was promoted to the prestigious position of ‘Head of the Palace Doorkeepers’ and rewarded with several bags of gold coins Guided Istanbul Tour Whirling Dervishes.
Historical Accounts
Minister of Finance Sari Mehmet Pasha provided further details about the discovery of the Kaşıkçı Diamond in his chronicle “Zübde-i Vekaiyat.” According to his account, the diamond was initially found in the dumps of Egrikapi, Istanbul, and exchanged for spoons by the original finder. As the stone passed through various hands, its true value became evident, leading to disputes among jewelers. Ultimately, the Chief Jeweler of the Palace intervened, ensuring that the diamond was acquired for the treasury while compensating the involved parties with gold coins.
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The Plight of Survivors
The current situation of the survivors is dire, with little hope for relief in sight.
Abandoned by Authorities
Turkish authorities have provided scant shelter in the form of wooden sheds on the village outskirts, but the survivors are left to fend for themselves, relying on charity from neighbors for sustenance. Adding insult to injury, these authorities demand regular taxes and war contributions from the victims, displaying callous disregard for their plight.
False Promises
Despite assurances from the Porte in Constantinople, the reality on the ground is grim. Survivors report facing expulsion from their makeshift shelters if they fail to meet these impossible financial demands. The government’s desperate need for funds leaves the survivors in an impossible situation, where the living are forced to pay for the dead Tour Packages Balkan.
Horrific Fate
The sight of skulls and bones scattered on the hill serves as a haunting reminder of the atrocities inflicted upon the villagers, particularly the young girls. Captured and subjected to unspeakable horrors over several days, they were ultimately beheaded in broad daylight, left to rot alongside their massacred kin.
The survivors of the Batak massacre are left to languish in misery, abandoned by the authorities tasked with their protection. As they struggle to survive amidst unimaginable loss and suffering, their plight serves as a stark indictment of the systemic failures and brutal indifference that continue to plague their lives.
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Januarius Aloysius MacGahan A Champion of Justice and Truth
Friendship and Valor in War
After joining the Russian army, Januarius Aloysius MacGahan forged sincere friendships with General Skobelev and General Gurko. He actively participated in all major battles for the liberation of Bulgaria, including the pivotal battles of Plevna and Shipka. His vivid descriptions of these battles stand as remarkable examples of journalism, capturing the intensity and heroism of the struggle for liberation.
Sacrifice and Service
Despite suffering a broken ankle, MacGahan remained steadfastly present at the frontlines throughout the Russo-Turkish War. His unwavering commitment to documenting the realities of war led him to Istanbul, where, exhausted and afflicted with typhoid fever, he passed away on June 9, 1878, at the age of 34. In his untimely death, MacGahan’s destiny became forever linked with the liberation of the Bulgarian people, a cause he served with unwavering dedication Sightseeing Turkey.
Investigating Atrocities
The reports on the April uprising in Bulgaria emerged from a conflict between the British government and the liberal leadership of the “Daily News,” led by Frank Hill, the chief editor. The “Daily News,” renowned for its well-organized foreign service, published a series of letters by correspondent Edween Pears, detailing monstrous atrocities in Bulgaria. These reports stirred doubts among the British public regarding the government’s Balkan policy.
Seeking Truth
To address public concerns and refute government accusations, the editorial board of the “Daily News” launched an inquiry, dispatching Januarius Aloysius MacGahan as a special commissioner to Bulgaria. MacGahan’s impeccable journalistic credentials made him uniquely suited for this mission. Simultaneously, the British government initiated its own official inquiry, led by Sir Henry Elliot and Walter Baring. Additionally, American Minister Maynard tasked General-consul Eugene Schuyler with investigating the atrocities.
Parallel Investigations
MacGahan’s investigation ran parallel to those of Schuyler and Baring. Schuyler and Baring, initially appointed to challenge MacGahan’s accounts, became supportive of his findings. While Schuyler’s report, published on August 28th, corroborated MacGahan’s observations, Baring, guided by a pro-Turkish stance, contradicted his earlier instructions to discredit MacGahan’s reports.
Legacy of Truth
Januarius Aloysius MacGahan’s legacy as a fearless journalist and advocate for justice endures. His courageous reporting and dedication to uncovering the truth about atrocities in Bulgaria not only galvanized public opinion but also reshaped diplomatic discourse. Through his unwavering commitment to truth and justice, MacGahan left an indelible mark on the history of journalism and human rights advocacy.
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The Red Army's Intervention
The Red Army’s Intervention and the Shift in Government (1944)
Attempted Change in Foreign Policy (September 8, 1944)
The Moraviev government sought to alter Bulgaria’s pro-German foreign policy and declared war on Germany on September 8, 1944. However, the Russians, anticipating this decision, declared war on Bulgaria on September 5, before Bulgaria’s declaration against Germany came into effect. The Russian objective was to have a legal pretext for occupying and subjugating Bulgaria while it technically remained allied with Germany.
Red Army Invasion and Coup (September 9, 1944)
Following the Red Army’s invasion, the Bulgarian armed forces staged a coup on September 9, 1944, leading to the establishment of a new government. This government included representatives from the Bulgarian National Agrarian Union, the country’s largest political organization, along with Communists, Social Democrats, and minority groups. To expedite an armistice agreement, non-Communist elements in the government were compelled to accept the Red Army’s occupation of Bulgaria. On October 28, 1944, Bulgaria signed an armistice agreement with the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union in Moscow Daily Tours Istanbul.
Mass Executions and Purge of the Bulgarian Army (September 1944)
After the Bulgarian coup of September 9, 1944, the Communists, supported by the Red Army, initiated mass executions of perceived enemies, labeling them as “Fascists.” The Soviet military authorities, along with their Bulgarian collaborators, gradually took control of the Bulgarian Army by purging the officers’ corps, branding many as “Fascist.” This purge marked the most significant aspect of Soviet intervention in Bulgaria. The Bulgarian minister of defense attempted to distinguish between a small minority with Fascist records and the majority following government instructions. The Soviet commander accused the Bulgarian minister of defense of protecting “Fascist officers” and threatened direct intervention by Soviet armed forces.
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The Red Army's Intervention
The Red Army’s Intervention and the Shift in Government (1944)
Attempted Change in Foreign Policy (September 8, 1944)
The Moraviev government sought to alter Bulgaria’s pro-German foreign policy and declared war on Germany on September 8, 1944. However, the Russians, anticipating this decision, declared war on Bulgaria on September 5, before Bulgaria’s declaration against Germany came into effect. The Russian objective was to have a legal pretext for occupying and subjugating Bulgaria while it technically remained allied with Germany.
Red Army Invasion and Coup (September 9, 1944)
Following the Red Army’s invasion, the Bulgarian armed forces staged a coup on September 9, 1944, leading to the establishment of a new government. This government included representatives from the Bulgarian National Agrarian Union, the country’s largest political organization, along with Communists, Social Democrats, and minority groups. To expedite an armistice agreement, non-Communist elements in the government were compelled to accept the Red Army’s occupation of Bulgaria. On October 28, 1944, Bulgaria signed an armistice agreement with the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union in Moscow Daily Tours Istanbul.
Mass Executions and Purge of the Bulgarian Army (September 1944)
After the Bulgarian coup of September 9, 1944, the Communists, supported by the Red Army, initiated mass executions of perceived enemies, labeling them as “Fascists.” The Soviet military authorities, along with their Bulgarian collaborators, gradually took control of the Bulgarian Army by purging the officers’ corps, branding many as “Fascist.” This purge marked the most significant aspect of Soviet intervention in Bulgaria. The Bulgarian minister of defense attempted to distinguish between a small minority with Fascist records and the majority following government instructions. The Soviet commander accused the Bulgarian minister of defense of protecting “Fascist officers” and threatened direct intervention by Soviet armed forces.
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The Era of Communist Rule in Bulgaria
Liberation or Occupation?
Bulgaria’s alliance with Nazi Germany during World War II led to international isolation. Despite the Bulgarian army’s fight against the Germans on Yugoslav, Hungarian, and Austrian territories from late 1944 to May 1945, Winston Churchill and Stalin considered Bulgaria defeated. The Great Powers, led by Moscow with a 75% influence, imposed Soviet presence, burdening Bulgaria with $70 million in reparations. Despite this, Bulgaria maintained a constructive foreign policy, avoiding territorial claims and revenge-seeking aspirations against its neighbors.
The Impact of the September 9, 1944 Coup
Following the September 9, 1944 coup, Soviet Russia gradually introduced a new political system in Bulgaria. The three-year presence of the Soviet army played a crucial role in establishing communist dominance. The Goryani, an anti-communist partisan movement, resisted the occupiers and their local supporters but was eventually eliminated by the late 1950s.
Transition to a Republic
In violation of the Constitution, the Council of Ministers released the previous regents of the minor King Simeon II and appointed a new Council of Regents. A referendum on September 8, 1946, with over 93% in favor, declared Bulgaria a republic on September 15, with communist leader Vasil Kolarov elected as Chairman. Eight-year-old King Simeon II and his family were forced to leave the country. The new government refused to legalize other parties Turkey Sightseeing, accusing them of fascism, while the Communist Party expanded its influence, led by Georgi Dimitrov, a renowned leader of the international communist movement.
Communist Leadership and International Connections
Georgi Dimitrov, famous for his victory in the Leipzig Trial against the Nazis, guided the Communist Party from Moscow with the assistance of Traicho Kostov until the end of the war. The party consolidated its ranks around a new Political Bureau, solidifying communist leadership in Bulgaria.
The period from 1944 to 1989 marked Bulgaria’s transition to communist rule, shaped by international influences, resistance movements, and political transformations. The establishment of the republic and the dominance of the Communist Party defined Bulgaria’s trajectory during these decades.
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A Diplomatic Oversight
Consul Reports Dismissed
Delving into Sir Henry Elliot’s diplomatic conduct, this article begins by scrutinizing his dismissal of reports from Mr. Dupuis, Consul at Adrianople. Despite having access to credible information, Sir Henry seemingly deemed these reports exaggerated without offering any substantial explanation for his skepticism.
A Diplomatic Oversight
One of the critical aspects explored is Sir Henry’s failure to investigate the mounting evidence of atrocities. Instead of proactively seeking the truth or verifying the reports, he sent his dragoman to the Porte Bulgaria Private Tours, relying on Turkish assurances that contradicted the overwhelming evidence of widespread brutality. This diplomatic oversight raises questions about Sir Henry’s commitment to uncovering the reality on the ground.
Sir Henry’s Unsubstantiated Claims
Sir Henry’s unwarranted assertion that Bulgarian atrocities matched those of the Turks, without a shred of evidence, becomes a focal point of scrutiny. The article dissects the implications of such reckless claims and the impact they may have had on shaping public perception and diplomatic responses.
Sir Henry’s Benign Smile
Sir Henry’s allegedly benign smile in response to assurances from the Porte about the gentle nature of Turkish actions sparks deep concern. The juxtaposition of this reaction against the backdrop of widespread atrocities prompts an exploration of the diplomatic indifference exhibited by Sir Henry in the face of human suffering.
Sir Henry’s Controversial Responses
As the bones of thousands of women and children lay scattered across Bulgaria, Sir Henry’s expressions of indignation are analyzed within the context of his continued insistence on exaggerations. The article questions whether his responses align with the gravity of the situation or if they are indicative of a diplomatic stance at odds with the values of compassion and justice.
Assessing Sir Henry’s Representation
The concluding section examines the overall diplomatic conduct of Sir Henry Elliot, raising concerns about his suitability as an ambassador. The juxtaposition of his actions against the principles of a Christian Queen and a generous nation prompts a critical evaluation of Sir Henry’s fitness to represent such values on the diplomatic stage.
Unmasking Diplomatic Oversights and the Quest for Accountability
In the aftermath of atrocities, the article underscores the need for accountability and ethical conduct in diplomacy. Sir Henry Elliot’s actions come under intense scrutiny, emphasizing the importance of transparent investigations, responsible assertions, and a genuine commitment to addressing humanitarian crises in diplomatic practices.
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Unraveling Perustitza's Aftermath
Shadows of a Surrendered Village
The aftermath of Perustitza’s surrender unfolds as a complex tapestry, weaving together conflicting narratives, political maneuvering, and the elusive quest for accurate casualty figures. This pivotal period, marked by surrender and shifting alliances, offers a glimpse into the challenges of documenting the true toll of conflict on a community.
The Paradox of Surrender Perversity Beyond Calculation
The decision to surrender, an act often associated with the hope for safety and mercy, took an unexpected turn in Perustitza. Contrary to the grim expectations that typically accompany such capitulations, the Armenian girl’s account paints a different picture. She asserts that none of the women who surrendered faced maltreatment or violation. This surprising twist challenges preconceived notions about the aftermath of surrender in conflict zones.
The absence of reported atrocities against the surrendered women raises intriguing questions about the motivations and intentions of the occupying forces. This apparent restraint could be a strategic move or indicative of internal divisions within the Turkish leadership. The subsequent recall of Aziz Pacha, deemed too friendly to the Bulgarians, further muddies the waters, hinting at political machinations that went beyond the immediate circumstances in Perustitza.
Calculating Losses The Challenge of Estimating Casualties
The fog of war shrouds the true extent of the tragedy in Perustitza as the challenge of estimating casualties becomes apparent Holidays Bulgaria. The absence of reliable census statistics complicates efforts to ascertain the exact toll on the village. Villages, wary of tax implications, often understate population figures, making it nearly impossible to rely on pre-massacre records.
The village’s official returns indicated three hundred and fifty houses, a figure that, even at a conservative estimate of six inhabitants per house, would suggest a population exceeding two thousand. However, the discrepancy between official records and the villagers’ estimates reveals the uncertainty surrounding the true numbers. The inhabitants’ rough estimate places those remaining at one thousand, implying a devastating loss of life ranging between one thousand and fifteen hundred.
Mr. Baring and Mr. Schuyler align with this estimate, placing the toll at a thousand. Yet, the difficulty of obtaining precise figures highlights the chaos and confusion that often accompany such tragic events. The very nature of war, with its fluid dynamics and the propensity for misinformation, adds layers of complexity to the quest for an accurate account of the casualties in Perustitza.
In the aftermath of Perustitza’s surrender, the village stands as a poignant symbol of the challenges inherent in documenting the human cost of conflict. The elusive nature of casualty figures underscores the need for careful examination and nuanced interpretation, recognizing the multifaceted realities that emerge when perversity, political intrigue, and the toll of war converge on the battlegrounds of history.
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Unraveling Perustitza's Aftermath
Shadows of a Surrendered Village
The aftermath of Perustitza’s surrender unfolds as a complex tapestry, weaving together conflicting narratives, political maneuvering, and the elusive quest for accurate casualty figures. This pivotal period, marked by surrender and shifting alliances, offers a glimpse into the challenges of documenting the true toll of conflict on a community.
The Paradox of Surrender Perversity Beyond Calculation
The decision to surrender, an act often associated with the hope for safety and mercy, took an unexpected turn in Perustitza. Contrary to the grim expectations that typically accompany such capitulations, the Armenian girl’s account paints a different picture. She asserts that none of the women who surrendered faced maltreatment or violation. This surprising twist challenges preconceived notions about the aftermath of surrender in conflict zones.
The absence of reported atrocities against the surrendered women raises intriguing questions about the motivations and intentions of the occupying forces. This apparent restraint could be a strategic move or indicative of internal divisions within the Turkish leadership. The subsequent recall of Aziz Pacha, deemed too friendly to the Bulgarians, further muddies the waters, hinting at political machinations that went beyond the immediate circumstances in Perustitza.
Calculating Losses The Challenge of Estimating Casualties
The fog of war shrouds the true extent of the tragedy in Perustitza as the challenge of estimating casualties becomes apparent Holidays Bulgaria. The absence of reliable census statistics complicates efforts to ascertain the exact toll on the village. Villages, wary of tax implications, often understate population figures, making it nearly impossible to rely on pre-massacre records.
The village’s official returns indicated three hundred and fifty houses, a figure that, even at a conservative estimate of six inhabitants per house, would suggest a population exceeding two thousand. However, the discrepancy between official records and the villagers’ estimates reveals the uncertainty surrounding the true numbers. The inhabitants’ rough estimate places those remaining at one thousand, implying a devastating loss of life ranging between one thousand and fifteen hundred.
Mr. Baring and Mr. Schuyler align with this estimate, placing the toll at a thousand. Yet, the difficulty of obtaining precise figures highlights the chaos and confusion that often accompany such tragic events. The very nature of war, with its fluid dynamics and the propensity for misinformation, adds layers of complexity to the quest for an accurate account of the casualties in Perustitza.
In the aftermath of Perustitza’s surrender, the village stands as a poignant symbol of the challenges inherent in documenting the human cost of conflict. The elusive nature of casualty figures underscores the need for careful examination and nuanced interpretation, recognizing the multifaceted realities that emerge when perversity, political intrigue, and the toll of war converge on the battlegrounds of history.
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Children and grandchildren
They were of all ages, from eighteen up to eighty ; young mothers with children in their arms and two or three hanging to their skirts ; middle-aged women who had grown-up sons and daughters that had fallen under the sharp edge of the sword ; old grandmothers with children and grandchildren all swept away at one fell swoop.
They all told their stories with sobs and tears, beating their heads and wringing their hands in despair. And they were starving and houseless. We could not relieve their misery. We could only listen to their stories with saddened faces, and tell them to hope for better times, and promise to do something for them, if possible, when we should return to Constantinople. Vain hopes, and, I fear, vainer promises.
TATAR BAZARDJIK, August 2.
Since my letter of yesterday I have sapped full of horrors. Nothing has yet been said of the Turks that I do not now believe; nothing could be said of them that I should not think probable and likely. There is, it would seem, a point in atrocity beyond which discrimination is impossible, when mere comparison, calculation, measurement, are out of the question, and this point the Turks have already passed. You can follow them no further Daily Tours Istanbul.
The way is blocked up by mountains of hideous facts, beyond which you cannot see and do not care to go. You feel that it is superfluous to continue measuring these mountains and deciding whether they be a few feet higher or lower, and you do not care to go seeking for molehills among them. You feel that it is time to turn back ; that you have seen enough.
But let me tell what we saw at Batak:—We had some difficulty in getting away from Pestera. The authorities were offended because Mr. Schuyler refused to take any Turkish official with him, and they ordered the inhabitants to tell us there were no horses, for we had here to leave our carriages and take to the saddle. But the people were so anxious we should go, that they furnished horses in spite of the prohibition, only bringing them first without saddles, by way of showing how reluctantly they did it.
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Bashi-Bazouks
They had offered no resistance at all to the Bashi-Bazouks, but simply ran away when they heard the Turks were coming. Having received timely notice, they had nearly all escaped, and only twenty-two men had been killed in all. The women and children had all been saved. Of the twenty- two killed, eight had been arrested after the inhabitants returned to the village, and were brutally slaughtered in cold blood while being taken to Philippopolis to prison.
We had heard that eight bodies were found one day on the road near Philippopolis long after the affair was over, and had been told by the Turks that these were bodies of people killed during the insurrection, which had been transported there by some unknown means. When the people returned to their smoking homes, they found themselves completely ruined Daily Tours Istanbul.
Turks refuse to restore
There was not a stick of furni-ture nor a cooking utensil left, and all their cattle, sheep, and horses had been driven off. Their harvests were still standing in the fields, and they are unable to gather and save them without their cattle, which the Turks refuse to restore. Each family had on an average two pairs of oxen, making about 320 pairs in the whole village. Of these only thirty-three pairs were returned, which are utterly inadequate for gathering and saving the harvest.
They besides will have to rebuild their houses, and for this purpose it will be necessary to draw wood a long distance from the mountains, and it will be impossible for them to do this before winter. Unless the poor people can get back their cattle, gather their harvests, and rebuild their houses, they will be in a state of destitution by next winter fearful to think of.
The Turkish authorities have informed Mr. Schuyler everywhere that the cattle were being restored to the burnt villages, and that help would be given the people to rebuild their houses, and everywhere the people tell him that the cattle are not restored, and that no help of any kind is given them.
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Turk or Christian
As I have already stated, there was no Mudir in this village at the time of the outbreak, and his wife could not therefore have been killed. Of the twelve cases of Turkish women killed, we have therefore investigated five, and found that three of them were without the slightest foundation. As we cannot learn the names of the villages where the seven other women were killed, we cannot investigate, and we therefore take the liberty of doubting.
The story told by Edib Effendi, of a Turkish girl who was killed and then mutilated in so disgusting a manner, is a pure fiction. We have not been able to discover the least trace of it. Nobody, Turk or Christian, in Tatar-Bazardjik, near where it is said to have occurred, ever heard of it; nor did the different Consuls in Philippopolis, who received daily reports of every thing that was going on throughout the whole district from the beginning of the troubles, ever hear of it until they saw the report of Edib Effendi.
The truth is that the story is an impudent falsehood, invented by Edib Effendi, which has not even the semblance of probability. This state of things continued in Pana- gurishti Sightseeing Turkey, or Otluk-kui, for nine or ten days, during which time nine Turks and two Turkish women were killed. All of these but the two women and the one zaptieh were killed with arms in their hands.
Altogether during this time some twenty prisoners were taken, and these were well treated and cared for until the Turkish army came on and released them. It should be remembered that I am not giving the story of one person alone in making these statements, for since my conversation with the schoolmistress we have been to Panagurishti, have compared her story with the accounts received from other people, and find it corroborated in every particular. To tell the truth, it scarcely needed corroboration, for the Turks themselves, neither here nor at Philippopolis, do not claim more killed than the number above stated.
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Bulgarians initiated several military actions
After the Bulgarians initiated several military actions against the Byzantine garrisons in Moesia and to the north of the Danube once again the Byzantine Emperor led a large army to the north of the Balkan Mountains. But the Bulgarian rulers used the knights of the German Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, who participated in the Third Crusade, to regain new Bulgarian territories from the Empire. Meanwhile Petar ceded the throne to his brother Assen (1190-1196), realizing that he was a better statesman and military commander Visit Bulgaria. In the following years the new Bulgarian kingdom added many Balkan regions to its territory. Finally King Assen I was assassinated by his cousin Ivanko who headed a conspiracy of boyars faithful to Constantinople, so Petar ascended the throne to rule for one more year, but he also became a victim of the treacherous plot…
On the throne came the third brother, Kaloyan (1197-1207), and showed himself as a wise statesman, a remarkable commander and skilled diplomat. The borders of Bulgaria already stretched far to the west. In 1202 the Byzantine Emperor and Kaloyan concluded a peace treaty – which actually verified the territorial acquisitions of the Second Bulgarian Kingdom – and the Tsar was pronounced as “Emperor of Bulgaria and Wallachia”. In 1204 the Crusaders captured Constantinople. The Byzantines rebelled against Baldwin I of Flanders, imposed on them as the first Emperor of the East.
They called Kaloyan to help them. Baldwin 1 laid claim to the former Byzantine territories which had fallen into Kaloyan’s hands, his Latin troops raided Thrace and seized a number of Bulgarian fortresses. After a quick preparation the decisive battle took place on 14lh April 1205 near the town of Adrianople. The Latins were defeated, their Emperor was taken prisoner to the fortress of Tumovo and executed after some time in what later became known as the Baldwin’s Tower. Now Kaloyan became the real master of the Balkans and, like Basil II who called himself “Killer of Bulgarians”, Kaloyan called himself “Killer of Byzantines”. Two years later another Latin army led by Boniface of Montferrat was routed and its leader died in action. Simeon’s dream of conquering the entire Byzantine Empire and of a triumphant Bulgarian parade in Constantinople was revived once again…
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The Colossus or Built Column
The Colossus, or Built Column, an obelisk of masonry, originally 94 feet high. The exact date of its erection is not known; but a Greek inscrip tion on it states that it was restored by Constantine VII. (Porphyrogenitus), who lived in the tenth century A.D. As is evinced by the rivet-holes in the stones composing it, this monument once had a bronze sheathing. This was stripped off by the Latins when they took the city, and coined into money.
Until 1856 the lower portion of these three monuments was hidden under a gradual accumulation of stones and earth. During the Crimean War, Sir C. Newton, of the British Museum, received permission from the Ottoman Government to excavate them to the base of their pedestals. Afterwards a wall was built round reaching to the present level of the At Maidan, and this wall was surmounted by an iron railing. So the monuments rise from a pit, whose floor is on the same level as the ancient surface of the Spina.
The Pillar of Theodosius, of granite, with a Corinthian capital, some 49 feet high, stands in the Seraglio grounds, near Seraglio Point. Its Latin inscription, now scarcely legible, runs— Fortunse reduci ob devictos Gothos and seems to denote that the pillar was erected to commemorate a victory over the Goths.
The Porphyry, or Burnt Column, stands in the street called Divan Yolu, close to the tomb of Sultan Mahmud, on the site of what was the Forum of Constantine. The column was originally 120 feet high, but only 90 feet of it remain now. It is composed of six blocks of porphyry, so cleverly joined as to look like a monolith. It formerly supported a bronze statue of Apollo, altered to represent Constantine, and brought by him from Rome, like the column itself. The white marble now seen on it was added when the column was restored by Emmanuel Comnenus, after the two upper blocks had been destroyed by lightning. The frequent fires in its neighbourhood have considerably injured this monument, and to them is due the origin of the title Burnt Column, by which it is now known. Upon the upper part of the column is the inscription—
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Pera Palace Hotel
Travellers should be cautious about employing as guides individuals who accost them in the streets and offer them their services, as these are merely ‘ touts in league with the curiosity dealers, and will do all they can to help these to cheat strangers, Hotels.—The best have been built within the last few years and have a good view of the Golden Horn and the Bosporus:
Pera Palace Hotel, Ivabristan St. Board and residence: 18 to 25 francs per diem.— Hotel – Restaurant, M. Tokat- lian, in the Grande Rue de Pera. Board and residence : 15 to 2 5 francs per day.— Hotel de Londres, in the Petits Champs St. Board and residence: 12 to 20 francs per diem.— Hotel Bristol, in the Petits Champs St. Board and residence: 12 to 2 0 francs per diem.
Restaurants.—In Pera, Splendide Gaft and Brasserie Viennoise, Janni, Grande Rue de Pera. In Galata, the Caft del Genio, close to the Bridge. In Stambul, the Janni Restaurant, opposite the Railway Station, and the Restaurant Tokatlian, close to the Grand Bazaar.
Lager – Beer Saloon – Restaurants.’—Brasserie Viennoise, Janni, Grande Rue de Pera, recommended.
Caffis.—Splendide Gaft, Grande Rue de Pera. Gaft Luxembourg, Grande Rue de Pera, below the Grand Hotel. In Stambul the only good coffee-houses are those in the Divan Yolu Street and Direkler Aghasi Street The best Turkish coffee-houses are on Galata Bridge, close to the Bosporus steamers’ booking-offices. Coffee 30 paras; narghileh if toombeki be provided by smoker 20 paras, if not, 30 paras guided istanbul tour.
The Turkish baths at Constantinople
Baths.—The Turkish baths at Constantinople are far from what they ought to be in regard to cleanliness and accommodation. The best is a small bath near the Old Bridge, on the Pera side and on the tramway line, called ‘Yeshil Direk,’ kept by Hassan Effendi.
Theatres and Music Halls.—There are no theatres worthy of the name in Constantinople. From November to February there are occasional French, Italian, and Greek performances at the Pavilion in the Petits Champs Assembly Gardens, at the Concordia Theatre in the Grande Rue, and the OdAon Theatre, and Turkish plays at the Turkish Theatre at Shehzadeh Bachi, Stambul; the latter should not be visited by ladies.
From July to October there are open-air performances of Italian Opera or French Operetta at the Petits Champs Assembly Gardens, and the Concordia.
The Music Halls, of which there are sometimes two, are merely low cafes chantants, and are on no account to be recommended.
Chemists and Druggists.—Pharmacie Britan- niqice, Grande Rue de Pera.
Medical Men.—A Camburoglou (Surgeon), Dr. Patterson.
British Embassy.—Rue Tepe Bachi, Pera. Summer Residence, Therapia, Upper Bosporus.
British Consulate.—Rue Yoivoda.
U.S. Legation.—Rue Kabristan, Pera.
U.S. Consulate.—13 Rue des Petits Champs, near the Hotel Bristol.
Church of England Services.—British Embassy Chapel, Tepe Bachi, Pera; entrance close to the Royal Hotel. Sunday services—morning, 11 A.M.; evening service, 4 P.M. ; Holy Communion 8 A.M. first Sunday in the month. Closed in summer. Christ Church (Crimea Memorial), Rue Yazidji. Services—Sunday morning, 11 A.M.; evening, 4 P.M.; Holy Communion first Sunday in the month, 8 P.M. Evangelical Union Church ‘ of Pera. Divine service held in the Chapel of the Dutch Legation every Sunday at 11 A.M. Kadikeui Church.
Booksellers.— The Economic Co-operative Society, 5 Passage du Tunnel, Pera. Otto Keil, Grande Rue de Pera, close to the Hotel de Pesth. Weiss, Grande Rue de Pera, opposite the Russian Consulate.
Oriental Rugs.—The Oriental Carpet Manufacturers, Ltd. (British concern). Retail Branch: Pera, Grande Rue No. 327. Fixed prices. Direct from the looms. All intermediaries avoided.
Antiquities and Objects of Art.—Mr. E. Beghian’s Oriental Art Gallery, Stambul, near the Bazaars.
Photographic Requisites.—Photographie “Apollon,” 12 Rue Kabristan, just below Cook’s Ollice. Films for sale; films developed and returned in twenty-four hours. Postal cards.
Jewellers.—J. Adler, Passage du Tunnel; Mecca stones and souvenir spoons. Melkenstein Bros., 517 Grande Rue de Pera.
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NIKOLA NEDKOVICH HOUSE
3 Tsanko Lavrenov Street
This Revival Period home was built in 1863 entirely in the style of European Classicism. It belonged to Nikola Nedkovich, a well-known merchant and public figure, born in Karlovo. The lavishly decorated facade of the house has a solemn portico supported by four pillars. The pillars are of stone and their capitals hold up semicircular arches. An elegant triangular pediment at the top is reproduced in a smaller scale over each of the three windows. Foreign researchers studying the Bulgarian National Revival architecture have likened the building to an Italian pal- atio from the time of the Renaissance. Stone steps in the portico lead to the lower floor and the large drawing-room with a carved wooden ceiling and a representation of the sun ‘shining’ in the centre. The rooms positioned symmetrically round the hayet are remarkable – they have carved wooden ceilings adorned with an interlaced design of geometrical figures and richly frescoed walls.
The rooms facing the yard, one in delicate green and the other in Pompeian red, have townscapes from various European cities. The upper floor was completed in the 80s of the 19th c. and the interior design of the rooms is characteristic of the first decades after the Liberation. Today Nedkovich House is set up as an exhibition of the ‘Urban style of life in the Revival Period’, showing the furnishing of the rich houses in Plovdiv in the 19th c. The furniture and household articles on display once belonged to the Nedkovich family bulgaria holidays.
THE MUSEUMS IN THE OLD TOWN
Several of the museums of Plovdiv are to be found on the territory of the Architectural-Historical Reserve. Here are the History Museum set out in two of the Revival houses, the Ethnographical Museum in Kuyumjioghlu House, the Town Art Gallery arranged in four separate buildings and four theme museum collections.
HISTORY MUSEUM – REVIVAL PERIOD EXHIBITION
(Dimiter Georgiadi House), 1 Tsanko Lavrenov Street
The Plovdiv History Museum comprises 4 large departments founded in different years and unified in 1993. They trace the historical development of Plovdiv and its area from the early Ottoman period (15th -17th c.) until modern time (the end of the 20th c.). ‘The Bulgarian lands in the 15th – the 19th c. and the period of National Revival’ exhibition was set up in 1954 and is laid out in the house of the rich merchant Dimiter Georgiadi. This is one of the most attractive Revival houses in the Old Town, built in 1848 by Haji Georgi Hajiiski, a master-builder from the Rhodopes. The exhibition shows the early-Ottoman (15th – 17th c.) period and the resistance the local population put up against the foreign rule. The museum emphasizes the National Revival in several rooms.
There are documents, personal possessions and valuables that have belonged to eminent public figures, who contributed to the economic and educational development of the town and to the establishment of an autonomous church. The exhibits trace the revolutionary movement and the activity of its leaders – Rakovski, Levski and Botev. The interior architecture of the magnificent house enhances the atmosphere of the museum. Especially impressive is the second floor with the strict symmetry of the oval drawing-room and the four rooms around it. Both the hayet and the rooms are decorated with original wood- carvings on the ceilings and exuberant frescoes on the walls.
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PLOVDIV ASSENOVGRAD BACHKOVO MONASTERY NARECHEN
PLOVDIV – ASSENOVGRAD – BACHKOVO MONASTERY – NARECHEN – CHEPELARE – PAMPOROVO – SMOLYAN (102 km)
Assenovgrad (pop. 45,332) 19 km from Plovdiv, is situated on the northern slopes of the Rhodopes. Its old name of Stanimaka means ‘defence of a pass’. It was first mentioned in 1083, but the remains of Thracian mounds near the town show that it has an even older history. It was a defence fortress in the Middle Ages. At present the town is the centre of an agricultural region with a well-developed food industry (tobacco, canning, meat and meat-processing, wines — Stanimashka Malaga and Mavroud).
Tourist attractions are St George’s Church, 1843; the Church of Virgin Mary, 1760, with a carved wooden iconostasis, by Debur masters; the Church of St Nicholas, with iconostasis by Tryavna masters; the old Church of St Jan, 13th century, 8 km east of the town is the St Nedelya Monastery which played a major role in the struggles for independent religion in the 19th century private turkey tours.
Assmovgrad
The Church of the Holy Virgin
2.5 km from the town is Assen’s Fortress built in the 11 th-12th centuries. In 1231 the Bulgarian Tsar, Ivan Assenll, restored and enlarged it. It played a major role in the wars between Bulgarians and Byzantines. In the early 18th century it was destroyed, and only a 7th-century one-nave church remains.
Assenovets hotel, 2 stars, 11 storeys, 4 suites, 22 single and 122 double rooms; restaurant, night club, coffee shop, day bar, information office, tel. 20-85.
Nine kilometres from Assenovgrad is Bachkovo Monastery, situated on the steep bank of the Chepelarska over. It is Bulgaria’s second largest after Rila Monastery and is included in the World List of cultural monuments of UNESCO.
Founded in 1083 by the Georgian monk Grigorii Bacuriani, it has been reconstructed several times. The only building preserved from the time of its foundation is the two-storeyed church and ossuary of Archangel Michael, The church murals date from the Comnenus dynasty (12th-14th century).
The central church of Virgin Mary was built in 1604, during Ottoman rule. Early in the 18th century the monastery was extended and another church, St Nicholas, was built, with murals by Zahari Zograph.
During Ottoman domination the monastery was a centre of education. It had a large library. Now it has a museum collection with interesting icons, gospels, jewellery, coins, etc.
There is a restaurant at the monastery and beds are also available for guests. Bachkovo camp site is near by.
14 km from Bachkovo Monastery is the Narechen spa (1,800), situated on both banks of the Chepelarska river, at an altitude of 620 m. Its climate combines the moderate continental climate of South Bulgaria and a Mediterranean climate. Summer is warm, but not hot, and winter is mild.
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