Random lore abaut pecco aparently in 2022 he went to the italian prees ans say to them to you now plse dont be to harsh on me 😣🤗 and they went a eat him alive nooooo let my babygirl in paz

Wan Pipel (1976)

dir. Pim de la Parra

Otto Eduard Pippel

Was so den ganzen Tag hier läuft...

Nord Stream 1 Pipeline May Reopen. #europe #eu #nordstream #sakhalin #ru...

I had one of those days where I just had too many feelings to fit inside my skin, and I’ll have to recover from it.

Telling a patient she has breast cancer. Telling a patient she has dementia. Calling a patient at 6:30pm, still sitting at my desk, because even though I finished seeing patients at 5pm, I have work to do. Doing an endometrial biopsy on a patient who may have cancer. Calling a company so I can get the password to a website so I can recredential every three months so my clinic can charge for my work. Working with an assistant on whom I’ve also done an endometrial biopsy. My regular MA is out with COVID. I’m getting a year-end bonus for the first time in my life. Some idiot kid thinks I don’t know how ears work. I saw back to back ADHD patients; one is a trans woman who paused her transition because she can’t afford it. One is a kid who did loops around the exam room chairs the whole time I talked to his mother. His mother was frosty towards me at first because I was running late because I was telling a patient she had breast cancer, and she was crying, and her daughter was crying, and when her partner died of a different cancer last year the hospice workers were homophobic and she’s afraid of hospice. A different idiot kid thinks I don’t know how soap works. The ADHD kid’s mom warmed up to me when she realized I cared and knew what I was talking about. The kid said, “AHEM. What’s up, chicken butt?” I laughed and high fived him. I gave his mom the Vanderbilt forms to assess ADD symptoms across multiple environments. I saw a patient who had a certain air about her that I recognized intimately, and at the end I asked what she did, and she was a doctor, too. I knew it had to be something like that. When I explain medical concepts I aim for lay language, but I can see when people get faintly impatient with me for it, and I’ll add in more and more technical language and see when they start looking confused; she didn’t. I could watch every new patient take in my brightly-colored hair, combined with the utterly forgettable rest of me, all browns and grays and dress slacks and comfortable shoes, because the hair is my one concession to my deep need for attention; in the exam room, I need to recede into the background so the patient can be the focus. Studies have shown that patients don’t like it when doctors disclose that they have the same medical issues. It might seem like bonding, but it shifts the focus away from where it belongs: the patient. That island of time is theirs. The breast cancer patient’s daughter said to me, “Thank you for spending the time with us. I know you didn’t have the time.” And I said, “From each according to their something or other, to each according to their needs. It’s lukewarm Marxism.” I don’t think she heard it all, or took it all in, which was good. I had a migraine that made my head feel three sizes too big with a steady drumbeat of pain despite taking two Ubrelvy, two Aleve, and two Tylenol, plus 100mg of caffeine and a propranolol and a Zofran. You have to disconnect each patient from the next. I can’t bring the breast cancer patient’s grief and heaviness into a room where a little boy is doing hand-stands and telling me silly puns. One of the nurses brought me a sublingual Toradol from a stash—someone’s purse, somewhere—because she wanted me to feel better, and I felt tears stinging my eyes because she cared about me. I couldn’t afford to cry. I just told a woman she has dementia and she doesn’t believe me. I told her to bring her husband to our next visit. I ended my clinic day doing an endometrial biopsy, trying to pass a uterine sound through a stenotic cervix, but I’ve done this before enough times to know to have the set of dilators ready. I dilated her cervix gently but firmly, with the back pressure of the tenaculum, until I could get the sound in, and then I left the sound there while my assistant handed me the sampling pipelle, because if you remove it there’s a good chance the cervix will tighten down again and you’ll have to repeat the dilation. The patient was holding her husband’s hand and chanting to him under her breath, in pain despite the Xanax I gave her.

I’m a doctor. It’s everything to me.

The process most normally used for egg freezing known as vitrification. Also known as egg freezing, oocyte cryopreservation involves harvesting a woman's eggs and freezing.

egg donation near me single embryo transfer

Im the anon in your pipes.

Nuff said

Pours coffee down the drain

There you go imma call you Pipeling ur mine now

Reading the Flower that bloomed nowhere on your recommendation ( and also tangentially ORV but that's less important ) and Im obsessed with it. The characters are great but also the world building of magic maths and logic engines in particular that seem to function with similar sort of pipeling procedures as modern OSs. It's soo good

i'm glad you're having fun with flower!!! definitely such great worldbuilding. theres been some truly insane setting stuff happening in the most recent arc thats a lot of fun

> pipel = window.askInterface.pipeline(window.askInterface.inbox, window.connection);

dataPipeline constructed, reading stream at [0]

> await pipel.establishVisualFeed();

Promise { <pending> }

Hypnovember Day 22

I know it's February now but I said I'd finish these and I meant it! (and this is an excellent prompt for February anyway!)

Day 22: Write & Post a fan letter or love letter to hypnosis.

My darling, my wonder, my touchstone, my love,

Before I lose all my words to you, before my thoughts slow and still and stop, before the need you inspire shoots from a simmer to a surge

While I can still translate how I feel into what I hope you can hear in my voice and read in my words

befoer i sink even more into the weight of your embrace

too late

but still i need to tell you

i need to share wit you

i need to drop deeper now

i need to drop deeper to forget

when the pipeling between my mind and my voice and my words and my hands disappears will you still know how much i need you?

i need you

i need you

i need

i need to drop even deeper now

Back to journalling setelah gatau dah berapa hari pusing mulu ga ilang². Baru nulis, "lagi cape mikir apa?" Langsung banjir. Itulah kekuatan journalling terutama untuk pipel² yang hobi banget apa² dipendem wkwkwkw

Jangan lupa kalo nulis sambil pukpuk diri sendiri. It's okayyyyy. It's okay not to be okay😁

Haloowww, could we back to our bedtime routine? 👉👈

25/07/23

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky visited Romania on Oct. 10, but the visit did not go entirely as planned, with a scheduled speech in front of the country’s legislature scuppered at the last minute.

Zelensky himself called off the speech, but the real reason was pushback from Romania’s nationalist opposition party, the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR), which threatened to protest the speech. The party has seen its support more than double since the 2020 parliamentary election. It leads in some polls for next year’s European Union elections in the country, even though Ukraine and Moldova have both banned its leader from entering their countries over alleged connections to the Kremlin.

The country faces a turning point—both in terms of its position on Ukraine and its position in Europe. In the aftermath of the return of Slovakia’s controversial populist Robert Fico and its subsequent shift toward a stance approaching Hungary’s in terms of resisting European support for Kyiv, Bucharest is likely to prove the next battleground for the agenda. Except it is far more significant.

Romania plays a major role in providing humanitarian aid and delivering military equipment to Ukraine, but most importantly, it is the linchpin ally in enabling grain to reach world markets. More than half of Ukrainian grain has been exported via Romania since Russia’s full-scale invasion began last February.

Romanian relations with Kyiv are a sensitive issue domestically and internationally. Romania’s potential turn will have major ramifications for Europe’s wider economic and political environment, as the country is also set to play a key role in European, and global, energy security over the coming years.

This June, Austria-based multinational OMV and Romanian gas company Romgaz announced that they plan to invest up to 4 billion euros (about $4.26 billion) in developing natural gas fields in the Black Sea, a project that the companies believe could produce at least 10 billion cubic meters of natural gas per year. Infrastructure development is due to begin next year, and it is hoped that production will begin in 2027. The development of this resource offers the promise of mitigating Russian threats over the medium term because of the promise of Romania’s own hydrocarbons industry.

The successful development of Romania’s gas production offers the ability to blunt the key economic weapon that the Kremlin has used against Europe alongside its war in Ukraine, namely, the weaponization of natural gas supplies that began before the full-scale invasion and subsequently intensified in its aftermath.

The impact of the Kremlin’s strategy has been significant, driving inflation to highs not seen in decades, although the European Union has been successful in decreasing its dependence on Russian natural gas—with Russian gas falling to just 8.4 percent of European imports in the first seven months of 2023, down from 45 percent in 2021.

Nevertheless, the Kremlin has made clear that it is willing to target European economies, and in turn support for Ukraine, through other commodities as well. Its withdrawal from the Black Sea Grain Initiative in July has not had the feared major impact on global grain prices, but it has driven up tensions over European gas markets, including a World Trade Organization dispute from Kyiv against Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia over their unilateral restrictions on Ukrainian grain, while the AUR and other Romanian political parties have also flirted with such action. There is little doubt that Russia will continue such efforts across various classes of commodities.

But gas is undoubtedly the most significant, with a tight global market that is jittery about any disruptions in supply for the foreseeable future. In the past week, European and global gas prices have spiked over a suspicious leak in an offshore pipeline between Finland and Estonia, as they did over threatened strikes in Australia in August. Further gas price increases also threaten to drive renewed inflation, which in turn will require further elevated interest rates and the political and economic costs that those bring.

It is therefore paramount for Ukraine, Europe, and the wider West to see Romanian gas flow as soon as possible. Russia, inversely, has every reason to oppose it. Russia’s militarization of the Black Sea—where it claims territorial waters bordering Romania through its illegal occupation and annexation of Crimea—is an obvious immediate threat, but not the only one, and in Romania it may seek to take advantage of the relative lack of attention that the market receives to try to undermine the project.

Russia has a long history of using networks of influence and business partners to gain a foothold in energy projects across Europe, including in Romania. Russian companies have investments in the country’s metals sector and across its hydrocarbons and port industries. A number of Romanian businessmen have also been long-standing partners of the Kremlin in providing services in Russia.

Far too often, these actions have sailed under the radar. And while the United States and European Union have both adopted significant new anti-kleptocracy agendas in recent years—and underpinned them with threats of sanctions—the bark has been worse than the bite.

For example, the Romanian oil services company Grup Servicii Petroliere (GSP)—controlled by CEO and Board President Gabriel Comanescu—has a long history of contracting with the Kremlin. It also has not announced plans to leave the Russian market, despite increased sanctions following the outbreak of war and even as the brutality of Russia’s invasion and associated war crimes has become apparent.

The company has previously undertaken work that would now be in violation of international sanctions, most notably in July 2014, when it helped the Russian state oil company Gazprom Neft by undertaking drilling work in the Arctic Sea. That contract was announced just five days before the United States introduced its sectoral sanctions on Russia, which specifically banned support for Russian Artic hydrocarbon development projects for affected companies. Gazprom Neft was added to the list shortly thereafter, but GSP’s contract slipped by just in time.

GSP has also been the subject of investigations resulting in revelations from the Panama Papers. Romania’s RISE project, a nonprofit investigative journalism group working in collaboration with the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, reported in 2017 that the firm had not only extensively used offshore structures to minimize its tax payments, but also engaged in suspicious transactions to acquire 10 drills from OMV’s joint venture with the Romanian government, OMV Petrom. A local union leader was subsequently jailed for embezzlement.

Romania’s track record in targeting corruption and Russian influence networks on its own has been mixed. The state’s National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA) was not long ago highlighted as a leading example in Eastern Europe for such efforts, but its reputation has since suffered substantial hits. Former directorate head Laura Codruta Kovesi was sacked in 2018 after the Social Democratic Party (PSD) demanded her removal despite President Klaus Iohannis seeking to stop the move, a sacking that the European Court of Human Rights ruled violated due process.

Although Codruta Kovesi has since become the European Union’s chief prosecutor, the anti-corruption agenda in Romania has effectively been frozen in its tracks since her removal. There has been quick turnover in the leadership of the DNA, and Romanian media has repeatedly reported that its directorship has become subject to the political preferences of the government rather than prioritizing effectiveness in tackling corruption.

Romanians repeatedly took to the street in 2017 and 2018 to protest against judicial reforms perceived as institutionalizing political control over the justice system, and the December 2020 election saw the liberal USR Plus alliance record its best-ever result with nearly 16 percent of votes, putting it in third place behind the long-dominant political factions, the PSD and its rivals in the nominally center-right National Liberal Party (PNL).

Even before the rise of AUR’s electoral threat, Romania’s fractured parliament has been highly dysfunctional—and left the country without a credible capability to tackle corruption and potential Russian influence on its own.

A brief alliance between USR and PNL collapsed after just nine months. Romania has had four prime ministers in the past three years, and the latest coalitions have brought together the PNL and PSD, albeit with the prime minister office rotating between the two. Their latest government, formed in June 2023, is headed by PSD leader Marcel Ciolacu, himself once investigated over potential corruption by the DNA under Codruta Kovesi.

Meanwhile, the USR Plus alliance has split, and many of the PNL’s voters appear set to abandon it for the far-right populist Alliance for the Union of Romanians, dragging the country’s entire political discourse to the right and away from the challenge of corruption.

Romania’s gas promise, however, also needs to be a priority to ensure that it is developed for the benefit of Romanians—and for Europe and Ukraine. Yet, with  a track record of serving as a vehicle for Russian influence, sanctions evasion must be kept out of Romania’s burgeoning Black Sea gas industry. Europe must also act now to engage proactively to address Romanians political concerns, lest the AUR take advantage of the situation.

But there are still glimmers of hope—a recent poll found that NATO Deputy Secretary Mircea Geoana is favored to win the presidency if he runs as an independent.

It is not too late for Romania’s turning point to be a positive one.

Other pipel ketika mau buat snap wassap/aiji:

Jedas jedes share.

Otherwise me:

Ini urgensinya apa ya? Ini ga penting banget deh?

😭😭🙏🏻🙏🏻

Other pipel ketika udah buat snap:

Just let them disappear setelah 24 jam.

Meanwhile me:

5 menit buat snap: ih ini apaan sih? Terus dihapoos

😭😭🙏🏻

Mau heran tapi itu saya yang senengnya mempersulit diri. Mwehe :)