#illyrian polytheism
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Illyrian gods
↳ Illyrians never functioned as a unique ethnic entity. Rather, each tribe had their own set of gods which explains a lack of a clearly set pantheon. Some gods were more widely spread - like Medaurus, Bindus, Vidasus and were worshipped by more than one tribe.
↪Liburnians believed in gods that weren’t mentioned elsewhere in the Illyrian region:
Ika (goddess of water and olives)
Sentona (goddess of fertility, agriculture and health)
Latra (also known as Great Mother, goddess of love and fertility)
Anzotika (goddess of love, motherhood, fertility, guides souls to underworld)
Aitika (goddess of agriculture, plants)
Heija (goddess of lands, justice, animals and female sexuality)
Irija (Creator Mother)
Jutosika (unknown)
↪Colapiani mainly worshipped Vidasus and Tana (protectors of forests, grasslands, wild animals and water springs) (Vidasus is the god of forests, Tana is the goddess of hunt)
↪Iapodes mainly whorshipped Bindus (god of water)
↪Histri worshipped:
Eja (goddess of fertility and love)
Trita (goddess of health)
Nebrama (goddess of darkness, fog, spells, storms)
Boria (goddess of wind)
Histrija (goddess of peace, protector of Histria)
↪Dardani worshipped:
Andin (god of family and home's fireplace)
Dardanija (personification of Dardan land)
Zbeltiurdus (supreme god)
Divine Couple Dracco and Draccena (snake gods)
Ata (personification of a house spirit which protects the home, often a fallen warrior)
Mundrit (unknown)
Taton (unknown, possibly protector of warriors and god of water)
↪Paenians worshipped Dualos, god of wine.
↪Almost all Illyrians worshipped Medaur (god of war, medicine and health), Sedat (god of mining, protector of craftsmen) was worshipped by most tribes as well.
Since Illyrians didn’t leave traces of literacy, most information about their religion was written by Romans. Romans saw characteristics of their own gods in the Illyrian ones and therefore gave them romanized names. Such examples are Silvan and Diana. Some Illyrians also started calling their gods with a Roman name so Bindus was called Neptune and Anzotika was called Venus.
Other gods which aren't tribe specific or gods with little to no information: En (fire), Perendi (thunder), Prende (love), Liber (wine), Nautrika (children), Armatus (war), Aecorna (lakes), Laburus (sailing), Redon (travel).
**I will update this list regularly, there is a lot of information that is still to be uncovered.
#illyrian#illyrian gods#illyrian paganism#illyrian polytheism#paganism#polytheism#illyrian deities#deity#deities#gods#pantheon
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Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
0 notes
Photo
Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
0 notes
Photo
Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
1 note
·
View note
Photo
Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
0 notes
Photo
Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
0 notes
Photo
Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
0 notes
Photo
Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
0 notes
Photo
Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
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Text
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Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
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Photo
Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
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Text
Death in Illyrian polytheism
Burials
Some Illyrians buried their dead ones under the home's fireplace and gave them food and drinks regularly by lowering it down through the bars on the fireplace. The dead were believed to go to the underworld but could come out to protect the home and their loved ones, having the role of a guardian spirit.
Some Illyrians buried them in graveyards with tombstones. The process of a burial was sacred, symbolic and spiritual. Women would hold each other's hands and form a half circle, the leading woman would hold a ceramic bowl with a liquid offering in her hands. They would move side to side which is a characteristic of most postmortem dances. The men were mounting horses (horse is an important symbol and is considered a holy animal).
The grave was surrounded by small rocks in order to stop evil spirits from entering the grave and the opening to the underworld made specifically for the deceased.
Graves
Illyrians used to put items along with the deceased which they could later use in the afterlife. Most of them put things like dishes, utensils, jewelry, tools, weapons, coins, food, etc.
Heroic individuals would have an image of a warrior mounting a horse engraved on their tombstone, which would ensure that they stay heroic in their afterlife.
There was a possibility of an evil spirit disturbing the deceased so their family and friends would hold a ritual on their grave. They would get clay pots, hold it over the grave and then break it, which would disturb the evil spirit and destroy it entirely.
Snakes
Snakes were believed to be guardians of the grave. Killing a snake was seen as the worst thing one could do, especially if the snake was a guardian spirit of the deceased. Snakes would be engraved onto the tombstone and snake jewelry was buried along with the bones of the deceased.
Snakes are the most holy animals in all of Illyria. The word illyr means snake, so illyrians are believed to be snake-people and so they were called as such by Greeks and Romans. Illyrios, the ancestor of all Illyrians, was at his birth wrapped by a snake and it gave him divine powers. Snakes were worshiped because of their unusual body, silent way of moving and their ability to change skin, which reminded Illyrians of death, rebirth and immortality. Most Illyrians had a snake as a spirit guardian though other options were also possible, but every household's spirit guardian was a snake. Killing it would destroy lives and families.
Dracco and Draccena are a divine snake couple. They are gods in snake forms and were often depicted in artworks standing behind a warrior, giving him strength or protecting him, or the two of them helping the illyrian troops by killing their enemies instead. Snakes are the most important animals in this belief, and their imagery is found everywhere, from coins and pots, to armor and weapons.
Spirals
Spiral is one of the Illyrian symbols of the afterlife. Spirals on tombstones or on objects that are used in rituals symbolize the soul of a dead person.
It can also symbolize the complicated path which their soul has to go through before it gets to the underground. Goddess Anzotika is mentioned as a goddess which helps these souls through the spiral labyrinth. By carving out a spiral on a tombstone, Illyrians hoped to make the dead's path easier.
They also carved out spirals on shields and for good health and protection. Most people wore spiral shaped bracelets and jewelry with spiral symbolism.
Underworld deities:
Anzotika-Guides souls to the undorworld
Irija-Souls go to her motherly embrace after death
Dracco and Draccena-It was thought that snakes and underworld deities live in deep caves. The deceased would show themselves as guardian spirits in snake form, and Dracco and Draccena are rulers of all snakes
Bindus-Believed by Iapodes to be the ruler of the underworld
Medaur-Possibly, he is often seen with spiral and snake imagery. He is also a war god, war and death are closely connected
#illyrian#illyrian gods#illyrian paganism#illyrian polytheism#paganism#polytheism#gods#deities#illyrian deities#underworld
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Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
0 notes
Photo
Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
0 notes
Photo
Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
0 notes
Photo
Capital from Rome to Byzantium
The removal of the imperial capital from Rome to Byzantium was one of the most decisive acts on record — a signal monument of foresight, genius, and will. Madrid, St. Petersburg, Berlin, are also capital cities created by the act of a powerful ruler. But none of these foundations can compare in scale and in importance with the tremendous task of moving the seat of empire a thousand miles to the East, from the centre of Italy to the coast of Asia, from a Latin to a Greek city, from a pagan to a Christian population.
The motives which impelled Constantine to this momentous step were doubtless complex. Since the time of Trajan, Rome had not been the constant residence of the Emperors, except of Antoninus Pius, nor the regular seat of government. Since the time of Diocletian, Rome had been abandoned as the official centre of the empire. Many places east of it had been tried; and Constantine, when resolved on the great change, seriously contemplated two, if not three local ephesus tour guides, other sites. It had long been agreed that the imperial seat must be transferred towards the East; and there was an instinctive sense that the valley of the Tiber was no longer safe from the incessant onward march of the Teutonic nations in arms.
Asia Minor and the Euphrates
The tendency was to get somewhere south of the Danube, and within reach of Asia Minor and the Euphrates. The greater chiefs had all felt that the empire must be recast, both politically and spiritually. By the fourth century it was clear that the empire must break with the rooted prejudices that surrounded the Senate of Rome and the gods of the Capitol. And Constantine, the halfconscious and half-convinced agent of the great change — the change from the ancient world to the modern world, from polytheism to Christianity—saw in the Church and Bishop of Rome a power which would never be his creature. Dante tells us that ‘ Caesar became a Greek in order to give place to the Roman pastor.’ There is much in this: but it is not the whole truth, for Caesar might have become a Spaniard, or a Gaul, or an Illyrian. Dante might have added that Caesar became an Oriental, in order to give place to the Goth. Constantinople from the first was a Christian city, with an orthodox Church; but it was a Church that was, from the first, a department of the State.
The topography, apart from the geography of Constantinople, may demand some words; for the history of the city from Constantine to Abdul Hamid is based on its physical characters. We cannot doubt that the many delights of this spot, the varied resources of the surrounding country, the combination of sea, bay, mountain, valley, terrace, and garden, as these rise one beyond the other, have made Constantinople for fifteen centuries the residence of Emperors and Caliphs, the dream and pride of nations, and the crown of imperial ambition.
Those who approach Constantinople from Greece, as all men should, have sailed through that long panorama of island, mountain, and headland which the Aegean Sea presents, past ‘Troy town’ and the unknown home of its minstrel; and every rock recalls some tale or poem for the three thousand years since European thought and arts rose into being across those waters. The Hellespont has been passed with its legends and histories, and the sea of Marmora with its islands of marble, its rich shores and distant ranges of mountain — and as the morning sun touches the crescents on her domes, the eternal city of New Rome bursts into view, looking on the East and the South across the blue waters of Propontis and Bosphorus, with her seven hills rising towards Europe one behind the other, each crowned with cupola and minaret, amidst arcaded terraces, and groves of acacia, myrtle, and cypress.
0 notes
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