सुँगुरको पुच्छर खाने दमिनी भएर ठूलो कुरा गर्ने

View On WordPress

सुँगुरको पुच्छर खाने दमिनी भएर ठूलो कुरा गर्ने

View On WordPress

With a history of short-term governments in Nepal’s 15 years of democratic progression, the current reconfiguration is no surprise, and it will be no surprise if the Maoists get back again with the Nepali Congress in months and years to come.

Power sharing, political discontent, ideological differences, underperformance, and pressure to restore Nepal to a Hindu state – a long list of reasons reportedly forced the Maoists to sever ties with the Nepali Congress. While the Nepali Congress expected the Maoist leader and current prime minister, Pushpa Kamal Dahal (also known by his nom de guerre, Prachanda) to leave the alliance, it did not expect an overnight turnaround. [...]

Dahal reportedly conveyed to the Nepali Congress chair, former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, that external pressure forced him to join hands with CPN-UML and form a new government.

If this assertion is true, China emerges as a plausible factor, given its historical inclination toward forging alliances with leftist parties in Nepal. This notion gains credence in light of China’s past efforts, such as its unsuccessful attempt in 2020 to mediate the conflict between Oli and Dahal.

On the other hand, India has enjoyed a comfortable working relationship with the Nepali Congress and the Maoists. Although Maoists were a challenging party for New Delhi to get along with when Dahal first gained the prime minister’s seat in 2008, the two have come a long way in working together. However, the CPN-UML has advocated closer ties with the northern neighbor China; Beijing suits both their ideological requirements and their ultra-nationalistic outlook – which is primarily anti-India. [...]

India faces challenges in aligning with the Left Alliance for two key reasons. First, the energy trade between Nepal and India has grown crucial over the past couple of years. However, India strictly purchases power generated through its own investments in Nepal, refusing any power produced with Chinese involvement. With the CPN-UML now in government, Nepal may seek alterations in this arrangement despite the benefits of power trade in reducing its trade deficit with India.

Second, India stands to lose the smooth cooperation it enjoyed with the recently dissolved Maoist-Congress coalition. During the dissolved government, the Nepali Congress held the Foreign Ministry, fostering a favorable equation for India. Just last month, Foreign Minister N.P. Saud visited India for the 9th Raisina Dialogue, engaging with top Indian officials, including his counterpart, S. Jaishankar.

As concerns arise for India regarding the Left Alliance, there is also potential for shifts in the partnership between Nepal and the United States, a significant development ally. Particularly, there may be a slowdown in the implementation of the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) projects. Despite facing domestic and Chinese opposition, the Nepali Parliament finally approved a $500 million MCC grant from the United States in 2022, following a five-year delay.

China perceives the MCC as a component of the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific strategy, countering its BRI. Hence Beijing aims to increase Chinese loans and subsidies to Nepal to enhance its influence.

To conclude, the re-emergence of Nepal’s Left Alliance signals a shift in power dynamics, impacting domestic politics and regional geopolitics. With China’s influence growing, Nepal’s foreign policy may tilt further toward Beijing, challenging India’s interests. This shift poses challenges for India, particularly in trade and diplomatic relations, while also affecting Nepal’s partnerships with other key players like the United States.

[[The Author,] Dr. Rishi Gupta is the assistant director of the Asia Society Policy Institute, Delhi]

6 Mar 24

I think it's more like "Nobody cares about anything outside their own culture/daily lives." Not just Australia. Except maybe Americans, no hate. I have noticed that there are more expectations on everyone to follow American sensibilities than any other nationality, but the same courtesy is not given in return. Most of the internet seems to bend towards that, and when someone outside the US has some issue with more sensitive topics, you're more likely to be told to GTFO. Even in spaces not aimed at Americans. I mean, how many of the non-Americans are for some reason expected to have some kind of opinion or awareness of US politics? To know about different issues going on in the issue? Or certain political groups and their ideologies? I've even seen Americans make jokes about "The world ends at Americas borders" so it's something some are aware of at least.

--

I think we do frequently care about things outside our own cultures, but they're a very limited set of things, and they tend to be the same few for people from many countries: anime, kpop, US movies.

It's all about soft power. The US throws our weight around the most of anyone, but there's a long sliding scale of how much we as humans give a fuck about a given country, and it usually comes down to whose hot movie stars/dramas/pop music/comics we're familiar with.

Sometimes, you'll get a localized effect like all of US due South slash fandom turning into hilarious canadaboos, but mostly, it's the same global trend where thing X from country Y enjoys a massive surge in international popularity and some people get more broadly interested in that country as a result.

The number of people I know who've wasted years trying and failing to learn Japanese is vast. The number of people I know who've tried to learn Nepali or Indonesian or Thai is... my parents for 5 minutes in the 70s? A few other randos they knew who worked and lived in those areas at the time? (Though with the increasing popularity of Thai dramas among English speakers I know, that may change...)

We'll never be rid of the general pattern where culturally powerful countries have an easy time making people care, but we could definitely have things be a little less lopsided than they currently are on the anglophone internet.

TBH, even as an American, it's pretty annoying because it's always the stupidest form of our culture that's the enforced standard. It already sucks enough at home! Why would I want that everywhere else too?!

The demon who dances

i like the theory of sabal being the goat… he probably is the kind of person that would go to extent (both politically and religiously)

anyway, the inspiration of the clothes taken from tibetan/nepali traditional clothes for cham dance (i think this is what it called if not i am really sorry)

THIS IS BULLSHIT:

Yeah sure, just a cherry on a dung cake lol.

Diversity doesn't mean shit to anybody in this country, just a decoration to be discarded whenever seen fit.

A Sikh will be mocked as a Khalistani

A Muslim will be called a Jihadi terrorist

A Christian, and especially if he's from the North East? You're an exotic species brooo!

And it doesn't even matter if you're a Hindu, 'cause a Nepali will just be a 'chinki minki' to these North Indians (the people who constitute majority in our nation, not saying everyone is like that but you can't deny that most cases of racial or communal discrimination and bullying happens in North India or by North Indians).

Oh and I'm not making this up. It's stuff I've seen in my own college, which is supposed to be relatively better in terms of anti-bullying regulations. I wonder how people-of-diverse-backgrounds survive in other colleges.

Honestly, our generation is far worse than our parents or grandparents. At least, even if they disliked other communities, they had the decency to shut up and keep their thoughts to themselves and not go around bullying others.

And don't go in the comments starting a rant about political parties. They are just a face of what the people want and I doubt the people (or at least the majority population) wants peace or diversity. They only use it when they need to subdue the others or show a front in front of foreigners calling India a 'unity in diversity' or whatever. Then they go home and tell their kids to bitch about Bengalis or mock Marathis.

Can we just see people as people and stop picking out everyone for their religion or ethnicity? Or the least u can do is let people just live and mind your own fcking business...

An Exiled Publisher Creates a ‘Brotherhood Across Tibetans’

Bhuchung Sonam co-founded a press to nurture the writing of Tibetans, helping provide through literature a sense of home for a stateless population.

by Tenzin D. Tsagong

In the winter of 1982, Bhuchung Sonam left his home in Central Tibet. For five days, he trekked with his father across the Himalayas to the Nepali border. Only around 11 years old then, he knew little about what they were fleeing — China’s decades-long colonization of his homeland — and why. He also didn’t realize that he would never again see his homeland, his mother or his six siblings.

After arriving in Nepal, Sonam and his father made a pilgrimage to Buddhist sites in neighboring India, the home of the Dalai Lama and of many other Tibetans in exile. Without offering much explanation, the father then returned to Tibet, leaving Sonam under the care of a family friend.

Sonam never again saw his father, who died when he was in the 11th grade. He last spoke to his mother nine years ago. During the short call, she promised, “We will meet one more time.” But by then, Sonam knew that the political situation in Tibet made that nearly impossible.

Left in a foreign country without kin, he said, everything was new: bananas, dal, the notorious Indian monsoon. Writing and literature became a salve to help survive the loss of his homeland and his family. “The writing seals the pain,” he said. “It’s a process of negotiating this really harsh and endless barrage of obstacles and challenges that exile throws at you.”

READ MORE

How do you feel about people calling Roma/Rroma (sorry I still don’t know which one is the correct spelling) ‘basically Indian’ or just straight up calling them Indian? I’m someone with actual Indian and South Asian ancestry, from West Bengal and Bangladesh and Nepal, and it even annoys me when people say this. Maybe it’s bc I can empathize, since many Indians even do/say this about Nepalis and how we’re also ‘basically just Indian’ despite us having a separate culture, that has been influenced by India but is also unique due to our own developments and influence from other cultures. But when many Indians see us we’re just ‘off brand’ Indians to them. But it’s always seemed much weirder to do it to Roma bc their connection to India is even much more distant than Bengali or Nepali connection to India, which still exists today. Roma haven’t had a connection to India since pretty much forever but since their ancestors long, and have long ago developed their own culture and ethnic identity, but bc of those very distant origins are still being branded an identity that isn’t there’s. Idk it just seems weird to me but I’m not Roma and have no Roma friends currently so I wanted to see what a Roma person actually thinks instead of projecting my own opinion

Hi, anon! Both spellings (Roma / Rroma) work 😊

So, whenever I read or hear "Roma are basically Indian" it's always in one of these two contexts:

People (Romani or not, but mostly not) talking about Romani culture, DNA, etc

Romani people talking about intra-community issues

In the first context, it does rub me the wrong way, for the reasons you mentioned. Roma have forged our own racial, ethnic, cultural, etc, identity. We identify ourselves as Romani first and foremost, and we are identified by Europeans as Romani. When a European sees a Romani person, they will think "this is a Romani person", not "this is an Indian person". And I can tell you that when Romani people think about ourselves, we think 'we are Romani', not 'we are (South) Asian', you would actually get laughed at if you said the latter instead of the former. So even if Roma come from India, our cultures and languages have similarities with Indian ones, etc, our identity has evolved a lot over the past millennium, was shaped by our staying in the Middle East and, later, in Europe.

Also, the whole thing is a bit weird to me because, as you said, Roma haven't had a strong connection with India for a long while now. There are some connections (for example, it's not uncommon for Roma to go and visit India if they have the means to, some big Romani activists have met up with Indian officials, etc), but nothing important or big enough to totally change the face of Romani - Indian politics you know?

For the same reason, I also disagree whenever people ask if Roma can be considered desi... I think people from the Indian subcontinent have issues that we, as Roma, cannot relate at all (I'm talking about colonisation by the UK, wars during the 20th century, religious tensions, racism they face for being South Asian), and on the other hand, Roma face issues that people from the Indian subcontinent cannot relate to (the Holocaust, institutionalized segregation in Eastern Europe, slavery in Romania, racism we face for being Romani, etc). I think there is/can be solidarity between Romani and South Asian people but that saying "Roma are basically Indian" is a big stretch that ignores all the differences (historical, social, cultural, etc) between us.

However, I'm a bit more lenient when Romani people say that in the context of intra-community issues. With the spreading of the Christian Evangelical faith, a lot, a lot, a loooot of Roma have started to deny having any Indian ancestry (and they are usually being racist against South Asian people while doing so...). A lot of Roma also don't know we actually came from India because some of us aren't aware of our history. In this context, I've seen some Roma going hard on the "we are actually Indian !!!" bit, which is once again a stretch, but I understand why they feel that they need to. I am myself annoyed at Evangelical Christians lol.

A LATE WORD ON THE LATE, GREAT ANTHONY BOURDAIN

I’ve been devouring episodes of Anthony Bourdain’s Parts Unknown. It’s an occupation that feels like the most indulgent of luxuries. The show’s production is familiar in its structure. A presenter swings from foodie host to foodie host, as if we’re watching a fantasy genre film of Bourdain the adventurer exploring foreign lands with different companions, each with their own wisdom to impart. The surprise for me, and common knowledge to the rest of the world, is how cinematic the show is. A great deal of each episode is shots of the location with the sounds you’d hear walking through it. Care has been put into the sensory pleasure of travelling. The barking dogs in the streets of Thimphu. The clinking glasses outside a cafe in Marseilles. The hissing flames touching chicken feet in Kuala Lumpur. For a weakly travelled house lily like me, this is the closest I’m likely to get to these marvellous places any time soon.

Of course, as a British-Nepali, I latched onto the local explorations. The Scottish episode of Parts Unknown begins in a Glaswegian pub. Bourdain is sitting at the bar, enjoying the cloudy light of Scotland. His ashy greying hair stands in contrast to his brown wool coat and brown wool scarf. The barmaid asks him whether he’s on holiday (or vacation as Americans say). He says he sort of is, half because he’s on the job filming his show, half because he has great respect for Glasgow and takes great pleasure in being there. The following scene, he is walking through the busy streets of Glasgow, shrinking into himself from the bitter cold of a Scottish city in Autumn. In classic documentary fashion, his voiceover illuminates us on his thoughts. Though in the cloudy daylight Glasgow looks sleepy, it is one of the biggest hubs of Leave voters for the Scottish referendum. Bourdain explains that Glasgow is a city divided, both in opinion and in economic class. This is where the show shines the brightest, ladling every place he visits with the respect and seriousness it deserves.

Bourdain himself wears many hats. In Parts Unknown, he’s a food poet, an occasional mountain climbing roadster, a political investigator, and a travelling philosopher. I have always heard his praises but it’s a wounding regret to have not come across him, his works, and his life before his passing. Though the chances of meeting him when he was alive would have been infinitely smaller than minuscule, watching the show had me grieving for the fantasy I could have held. One where we would have dinner together. He’s already filmed an episode on British food, an excellent summary with enough scope to cover the hearty food of the country as well as the devastation of Brexit. He’s tasted the most refined cuisine and the greasiest so I can’t hope to introduce anything to his palette except maybe a Shin Ramyun sandwich (a carb loaded delicacy of my childhood). Instead, I would have liked to get him to pick a spot in London that he likes. We’d sit down with the warmth and aromas of the food and chatted about his life and his thoughts on the world, on food, and politics - beyond what he’s explored in his show, and he has explored a lot in his show.

"महिलालाई प्रहार गर्ने प्रवृत्ति निक्कै देखेको छु ।"

View On WordPress

Discipline Key To Democratic Culture

Discipline, a fundamental pillar of organised living, permeates every aspect of human existence, shaping thoughts, actions, and societal structures. It is a guiding force in professions, education, and all walks of life, providing a framework for well-organised and cohesive societies. Whether one is a teacher, student, politician, or an ordinary individual, discipline is the linchpin that…

View On WordPress

if you were one of the israelis, or germans, nepalis, guatemalans, americans, or of ANY nationality that was present at that music festival, you would have been killed, your body would have been brutalized. this is the fucking reality.

hamas doesn't background check civilians and politely ask if they're zionists or not before fucking butchering them to death.

Why would I, someone who opposes Israel's entire existence, be at that music festival? Which may I remind you was callously located in front of an open-air prison. Something you may understand more as a concentration camp.

Sorry I feel no sympathy for people who were too busy having a party in front of people who don't even have proper access to water. Besides, Israel doesn't check if Palestinians are innocent children or freedom fighters before killing them.

And anyway, you can blame Israel for this one too, bc they were warned that an attack was coming and did nothing about it so they could justify this genocide

Political Campaign Strategy of Gokul Baskota

-a political leader of Nepal

Gokul Baskota is a Nepali politician. He belongs to the political party CPN UML. He served as Minister of Communication and Information Technology of Nepal and is currently serving as the member of House of Representatives elected from Kavrepalanchok-2, province number 3 for the second term. He was born on August 29, 1970 on Kavrepalanchok district. He has spent his childhood in Kavrepalanchok. Later in his teenage days, his father shifted to Kathmandu.

Gokul Baskota is frequently known for his uncharacteristically brash attitude, using derogatory language towards political opponents, and remarks for attacking the free press. An audio clip of Baskota bargaining for 700 million in bribes with an agent of a Swiss company based on Kathmandu over the procurement of security printing for government was leaked to media outlets. He was accused of demanding Rs 700 million bribe in exchange for a contract to print e-passports in Nepal. He subsequently resigned from his ministerial position. He has opened the way for fair investigation. No any proof of guilty has found on him. Then, he shortly filed a defamation lawsuit against Mr. Vijay Mishra.

He has win the election held on Mansir-4, 2079 BS and been elected as a member of House of Representatives from Kavrepalanchok-2. He has received 45,345 votes. He beat his nearest rival Shiva Prasad Humagain of the Nepali Congress by 5,863 votes. He has been re-elected here 2nd time.

What makes him re-elected?

Many outsiders thinks, after such the blame against him of 700 million how can he again win the election. But us the residents of Kavrepalanchok-2 has eye witnessed his followers inside the Kavre and very sure of his victory again as well. The main reason most people liked him here is his truth specking capability. He appeared in media as a fighter. Every time the opponents backbite him, he faces it with weight in speech. He is a kind of manipulator as well. He knows what the people needs. He fights with the words of opponent in a funny way. So that the people don’t take much grudge on him.

Apart from this, many constructive work has been done after he elected as house of representative in kavrepalanchok. Hospital is going on under construction. Roads here are being pitched. People has got the sufficient facility of education and water supply and many more.

Beside this, he has good ability to attract the media and its audience. He has utilized the local media during the political campaign before election. He clearly knows that it is very important to utilize the local media for attracting the local audience. He knows local media works effectively in political campaigning rather the national media in his case. Because many common people listens the local media because they have more concerns in local issues rather than in national issues. Baskota has used the local media of Kavrepalanchok district to convey his messages to the audience of Kavre district.

He even reach at each one’s home and convey his messages to the voters. He mostly talks about his previous activities during the political campaign. He convey the voters that if he will again win, he will work for the betterment of Kaveli like he has done before. His good sense of humor and direct specking behavior also helps in influencing the voters. This is because most people prefer humor and direct specking person.

Conclusion

From all the above discussions, it is clearly known that Gokul Baskota effectively use the local media as a political campaign tool.

the Indian anon talking about hij/ras: tho the term itself isn't derogatory, I def dont feel comfortable using it because for all my life, I've only heard it being used as a slur (I was born and brought up in rural west of India). here are some people explaining it better a bit of history about hij/ras: https(://)www(.)india(.)com(/)lifestyle/the-history-of-hijras-south-asias-transsexual-and-transgender-community-540754/ their issues (mainly getting into prostitution just afford basic needs): https(://)www(.)hera-single(.)de/hijras/

https(://)indianexpress(.)com(/)article/opinion/why-is-the-hijra-a-term-of-abuse-and-insult-eunuch-4707100/ https(://)www(.)reddit(.)com(/)r/LGBTindia/comments/fisc6o/question_is_the_term_hijra_inherently_offensive/ ↳ see u/DaSerialGenius's response regarding Hij/ra activism, unfortunately all Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Nepali govts took the easy way out- declaring them as third gender and not that they were being oppressed by religious practices and gender roles. you can read about the rullings here: https(://)sewa-aifw(.)org(/)the-hijra-community-and-decolonizing-gender/ getting more marginalized during corona: https(://)www.atlanticcouncil(.)org/blogs/new-atlanticist/indias-hijras-find-themselves-further-marginalized-amid-the-pandemic/

you can see how everyone is using the term transgender and hij/ra interchangeably. the articles and news about this community in native south asian languages used to refer to the equivalent of third gender but the term third gender itself has become a politically correct term. so now, lgbt and hij/ra activism has been entangled and honestly, I'm not an expert and I can't explain clearly enough how the tras are trying to use the hij/ra movement for their own agendas. I'll try to find more resources but I highly suggest watching yt documentaries. I might send some on here if youd like. sorry for the long text and I hope all the links made it thru.

thank u so much for all the links and resources, i haven't been able to read through all of them fully but ill be tagging it so i can do so in the future. id love to see a documentary on the topic so please feel free to recommend one if youd like!

The only decent treatments of the subject of fascism in Myanmar I've been able to find are this paper on the ‘Galon-fascist’ movement in colonial Burma and this... Deleuzian analysis of communalism (“fascism”) in contemporary Myanmar and Cambodia? Everything else I've found just asserts that ‘fascism = racism’ or ‘fascism = authoritarianism’ etc (speaking of which the identification of the military junta as fascist is absolutely mystifying), whereas at least these make an effort to analyze.

Even so, both of their conclusions are questionable. Frewer clearly refers to something far broader and more nebulous than what is usually meant by ‘fascism’, though his article is a genuinely interesting discussion of the formation and mobilization of ethno-national politics in postcolonial societies.

And while Bowser's piece is more precise – and U Saw's movement may very well have been fascist! – his insistence that fascism is essentially a heatsink for genuine anti-colonialism is dubious. It's an application of the ‘socialism of fools’ line of thinking (already an oversimplification) to a colonial context, which doesn't really work. Virtually every other interwar fascist movement in a society under colonial or semicolonial rule (that wasn't literally a puppet regime of another fascism of course) proved militantly hostile to the colonizing power – Young Egypt, Lehi, Benigno Ramos’ movement in the Philippines, Truong Tu Anh’s movement in Vietnam, etc. The only exception is India, where some leading fascists like Golwalkar temporarily backed the Raj out of tactical concerns, and were opposed by their more militant comrades.

Naturally, the most insightful examinations of Burmese Buddhist nationalism I've found (e.g. here, here) don't mention fascism at all. What I haven't seen but would like to, is a thorough comparative analysis of Burmese Buddhist nationalism – specifically 969/MaBaTha – that explains why it isn't fascist and provides an alternative lens through which to understand it. Something like this piece on Imperial Japan. Matthew Lyons hit the nail on the head when he said that 969 “is a populist mobilization but doesn’t really challenge the old order,” but that was just a single line in an interview.

The fact is that while ultra-nationalists in Myanmar have become increasingly antidemocratic over the past decade, that authoritarianism has been concentrated into staunch support for the Tatmadaw, i.e. a conservative institution, and they've never come even close to the political radicalism of fascists. If we're drawing comparisons to India then it's significant that the Indian Hindu nationalist movement has always had a powerful radical wing advocating a corporatist, unitary ‘Greater India’ to bring about a total national renaissance (this is notably not the part of the movement Modi comes from). Maybe more comparable is Nepali Hindu nationalism, which to my knowledge lacks the revolutionary faction that's present in India.

Haiti is again embroiled in crisis. Gangs are fighting for territory in large swaths of the capital, Port-au-Prince, outgunning the hobbled Haitian police. Kidnappings and killings have spiked. Many refugees have fled only to be sent back unceremoniously by the United States. The probe into the 2021 assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moïse has stalled, while an unelected government led by acting Prime Minister Ariel Henry clings to power with no elections in sight.

The turmoil has prompted calls for foreign intervention. On Oct. 7, Henry’s administration requested the deployment of an international “specialized armed force” to quell the unrest. In a country with a long history of foreign intrusion, that request sparked large protests and a Haitian Senate resolution urging delay. Nevertheless, the United States and Mexico now seek U.N. Security Council authorization for a “non-U.N. mission” led by an unnamed “partner country” to help restore order. Past experience suggests how fraught that exercise is likely to be.

Haiti has long been a prototypical “fragile state,” lacking a government that can deliver adequate services and build public trust. The United States and United Nations have intervened on several occasions to help enforce law and order as well as strengthen Haitian institutions. Yet Haiti remains trapped in the same vortex, with dysfunctional domestic politics that are both the cause and the product of repeated international interventions.

In 1994, a U.S.-led intervention restored elected leader Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power three years after a military coup. U.S. and U.N. personnel helped maintain order while training the new Haitian National Police force. However, the police soon succumbed to corruption and factional rivalries linked to Haiti’s “predatory” politics, through which political elites have long used violence to secure power and extract the wealth that comes with it.

By 2004, when U.S. forces ushered Aristide out of power amid a new crisis, the Haitian police had largely imploded. An interim president blessed a U.N. military intervention, and then-U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan wrote undiplomatically that Haiti was clearly “unable to sort itself out, and the effect of leaving it alone would be continued or worsening chaos.”

That led to a 13-year peacekeeping mission—formally called the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti, or Minustah for short. Minustah had some important salutary effects, including helping to restore order at key junctures and helping to rebuild the Haitian National Police. Many Haitians resented the presence of U.N. peacekeepers, however, seeing them as a force sent to advance U.S. and other foreign interests in Haitian politics. U.N. forces soon came under criticism for taking sides in partisan domestic feuds and for using excessive force, particularly while supporting President René Préval’s anti-gang campaign, branded “disarm or die.”

After the devastating 2010 Haiti earthquake, U.S. forces returned briefly, as the Haitian National Police splintered again. In requesting assistance, Préval explained to U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton: “I need you to be Haiti for Haiti, because right now we can’t do it.” U.S. forces provided limited but crucial services, such as securing the airport for aid deliveries, and returned home quickly.

Minustah remained but soon wore out its welcome. The spread of cholera by Nepali peacekeepers, a U.N. cover-up, and unaddressed sexual abuse by U.N. personnel eroded public support for the mission. U.S. support for Préval’s successor, the increasingly authoritarian Michel Martelly, also led to renewed allegations that Minustah was a lever for foreign influence. Many Haitians celebrated the mission’s exit in 2017.

Five years later, Haiti is back to the drawing board. Security has deteriorated since peacekeepers left, particularly since Moïse’s assassination, with a sharp rise in violence and no real progress toward a resolution of the country’s political impasse. The question is whether another round of armed international intervention would help.

As U.S. and Mexican officials press for an emergency force, there is no ideal candidate to lead the charge. Minustah left a bitter aftertaste, and new U.N. peacekeepers would face public ire, especially when invited by interim Haitian leaders with deeply contested authority. Sending regular military units to address domestic law enforcement issues is also problematic in a country that has long suffered from repressive armed forces.

U.N. police would also carry the baggage of past interventions. U.N.-formed police units—groups of roughly 140 officers dispatched from their home countries—are equipped to provide the crowd control and anti-gang functions that Haiti needs. However, international police typically have struggled in Haiti due to language barriers, public suspicion, and resistance from Haitian rank-and-file officers unwilling to share the badge. Recruiting effective units would be challenging. France earlier indicated its willingness to furnish police under U.N. auspices, but as a former colonial power, its officers may not receive a warm welcome.

The Biden administration has rightly been wary of committing U.S. forces given the United States’ history in Haiti and the danger of mission creep. The last time a Haitian president was assassinated, in 1915, U.S. troops intervened to stem mob violence and stayed to occupy the country for nearly two decades. This bred lasting resentment and helps explain why many Haitians associate foreign troops with a long history of racialized exploitation. U.S. backing for Haitian autocrats during the Cold War only added to local suspicion and disenchantment.

U.S. forces have played more positive roles in the recent past, helping to stem unrest in the 1990s and after the 2010 earthquake. In both instances, however, U.S. forces arrived with the blessing of an elected Haitian leader and withdrew relatively quickly as U.N. missions took up the mantle. In this case, U.S. personnel would be accepting the invitation of Henry, an unelected leader regarded by many Haitians as the U.S. government’s “man in Haiti.”

Moreover, another brief intervention is unlikely to produce lasting stability. An entree by a U.S., Canadian, or other national force is apt to lead to a longer multilateral peace operation. Haitians have little appetite for that, and same goes for the United Nations.

Haiti faces acute hardships and needs international assistance. Without a credible and locally owned political road map, however, another intervention will do little to strengthen Haiti’s sovereign institutions. At best, a rapid reaction force will provide a Band-Aid, not a lasting remedy. At worst, a new intervention would deepen domestic divisions in Haiti, as has so often occurred in the past, and could even inflict further abuses on a vulnerable population.

The only sustainable way to fill Haiti’s sovereignty gap is through domestic development. That requires supporting domestically rooted political processes. The most promising at present is the Montana Accord, devised by Haitian civil society leaders to guide a transition toward new national elections. An updated version of this plan could provide the necessary political foundation for an international security mission.

Without such a road map, many Haitians would see a foreign force as yet another international effort to buttress an illegitimate but compliant government in Port-au-Prince. By contrast, a force linked to an agreed road map is more likely to be welcomed and earn the public cooperation it will need to succeed.

The United States and its partners should use the prospect of security assistance to push the Haitian government to engage earnestly with opposition groups and civil society leaders on a transitional framework and path to elections. With a credible plan in place, international forces can provide much-needed stopgap security functions. Until that point, even an intervention with the best of intentions may do more harm than good.