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#Moon Sung-Keun
filmap · 3 months
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오! 수정 / Virgin Stripped Bare by Her Bachelors Hong Sang-soo. 2000
Palace 1-56 Sejongno, Jongno-gu, Seoul, South Korea See in map
See in imdb
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k-star-holic · 1 year
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Lee Yoo-Mi, Sexual Harassment Victim: Self-Blame + Tears "Is It Your Own"...Jung Woo "It's Not Your Own" ('Jegal Road')
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lafemmehorreur · 4 days
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we are not machines!
'아름다운 청년 전태일' A Single Spark (1995)
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shihlun · 8 months
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Park Kwang-su
- Black Republic
1990
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passionforfiction · 9 months
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When My Love Blooms
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I must admit this story is one of those where I don't connect fully with the characters.
Yoon Ji Soo is a divorced woman with a son in a boarding school (sponsored through scholarship). Her ex-husband is vigilant, looking for a moment she falls and he can fight for full custody of their son. She lost her job and keeps taking odd jobs to make ends meet. And her son hides how he is bullied at school to protect his mother.
Han Jae Hyun just stepped out of prison after 4 years paying for his father-in-law's white collar crimes. He returns to a loveless marriage where his wife has taken a lover in a desperate move to feel human connection. His son is at a boarding school, bullying his way through middle school.
What do Yoon Ji Soo and Han Jae Hyun have in common? Their past. And we learn about their story through flashbacks that take us back to the early 90s when college students protested and fought for justice. But Han Jae Hyun has changed and their current situations are not ideal.
I feel for the young Yoon Ji Soo and Han Jae Hyun. Their innocent love, their beliefs and fights for justice. . . That future that crumbled to pieces when her father imposed his ambition over the happiness of his child. . . Their youthful story was beautiful, but the people they became were so full of grayish spots, their decisions, their relationships with their children. . . It's hard for me to fully sympathize with them whole heartedly. They are realistic characters, imperfect, people that make decisions based on their selfish desires, sometimes forgetting their children and how their actions affect them.
It was a good series, it wrapped things nicely at the end, but even then, I wasn't completely happy for them. I always felt bad for Lee Young Min because he loved his mother and even when she said she loved him, he always got the short end of the stick. Even at the end, we don't know what happened to him, and I think that this is the main reason why I can't be completely happy for this couple as grownups.
Anyway, is not a bad story. I think it is good because it made me question things. It made those characters feel real, 3-dimentional.
Poster from AsianWiki - https://asianwiki.com/When_My_Love_Blooms
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whatisonthemoon · 11 months
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On the KCIA’s Money for Yasue Erikawa (1978)
The following text is the report from "Investigation of Korean-American relations" in 1978, or the Fraser report. Fumiko Ikeda is another name for Yasue Erikawa, current leader of the Sanctuary Church in Japan. Yasue Erikawa was matched and blessed to Cho Sung Jun in the 777 Blessing. She was once the president of the UC in Japan, a VOC lecturer, and into 2012, held several positions, including overseeing church centers and all foreign members throughout South Korea. She worked with Kook Jin and Hyung Jin in Korea during those years. 
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▲  Pictured: Senator Charles Percy with Takeshi Furuta and Fumiko Ikeda, and another  member behind Percy
Fraser Report:
One anti-Communist activity ordered by Moon was a 7-day fast at the U.N. in October 1974. The expressed purpose of the fast was to defeat a U.N. resolution calling for the removal of U.N. troops from South Korea. A leader of the fast was a Japanese woman named Fumiko Ikeda. According to Pak Bo Hi, she was later the recipient of $3,000 in cash from the KCIA. Pak said he received the $3,000 in $100 bills at his home near Washington sometime in 1975 or 1976. The money was delivered along with a 6- or 7-page letter from Yang Doo Wan. Kim Sang Keun, the KCIA officer who delivered the money and letter, said he had received both through the diplomatic pouch, together with instructions to deliver them to Pak. Kim was not told by his superiors in the KCIA why Pak was receiving the letter and the money, and he did not read the letter.
Pak testified that he waited until his next trip to Korea to deliver the money to Ikeda. Ikeda was in Japan at the time, according to Pak, and traveled to Korea to pick up the money. Pak said the money was payment of "expenses" incurred by Ikeda on a speaking tour in Korea, where she had spoken at anti-Communist rallies sponsored by the Korean Government. Pak further testified that Yang Doo Won had attempted to give Ikeda the money, but she refused; Yang then turned to Pak, who persuaded Ikeda to take the money. Pak said he did not know whether Ikeda's expenses during her speaking tour were originally paid by the UC, or even what her job was at that time.
Pak's testimony about the Ikeda incident was marked by inexplicable lapses of memory and gaps in his knowledge. Pak first identified Ikeda as a Japanese UC member whom he had known for many years. Later, when Ikeda was quoted in the Japanese press as having denied being a UC member (a denial she later recanted), Pak testified that he really didn't know whether she was a UC member or not, but assumed she was because her husband was a member. Between Pak's first mention of the payment to Ikeda during his testimony before the subcommittee on March 22, 1978, and his next appearance on April 11, 1978, Ikeda traveled from Tokyo to New York where she met with Pak before returning to Tokyo. Questioned about that meeting, Pak could not recall when or where the meeting took place and did not know why Ikeda made the trip to New York or how her expenses were paid.
Even if Pak's testimony is accepted on its face, it constitutes an admission that KCIA money was used to reimburse a UC member for services on behalf of the Korean Government and, further, that Pak helped the KCIA persuade the woman to take the money. This incident, together with others such as the planned anti-Japanese demonstration in 1974, lent additional support to executive branch reports that the Moon Organization had been used by the KCIA and other ROK agencies to carry out Korean Government policies and had been rewarded by the Government for these efforts.
Pak Bo Hi's testimony before the subcommittee brought to a head the intense propaganda campaign being conducted by the Moon Organization against the subcommittee and its chairman. This campaign illustrated again the cohesiveness of the Moon Organization, as the economic, political, and other components were mobilized to work toward a single goal. Moon businesses provided Japanese TV crews to tape subcommittee hearings, later edited for use on Korean television and in "documentaries" shown to UC members. Brochures glorifying Pak Bo Hi were prepared by Moon printers and distributed to UC members, who were also mobilized to attend the hearings and to campaign against the subcommittee chairman in a Senate primary race. Moon newspapers such as News World and The Rising Tide propagandized against the subcommittee and cast Pak Bo Hi in a martyr's role. The Capitol Hill PR team and other UC members at times spread rumors that the subcommittee chairman and staff members were Communist agents or sympathizers.
There was reason to believe that parts of the campaign were coordinated with the Korean Government, which had embarked upon a similar - though apparently less intense - public relations effort of its own. As early as May 1977, Clyde Wallace told subcommittee staff that he had been approached by UC members to work on a story linking the subcommittee chairman to Communism. Wallace had previously provided information to the staff about Moon Organization investment in the DNB. Wallace - who has several criminal convictions - claimed to be a journalist, though it was uncertain when he entered that field. As of 1977, he ran a business called The Spy Shop, which sold electronic listening devices.
In September 1977, Wallace did write an article - using the name Walter Riley - in which he accused the subcommittee chairman of being a Russian agent and of adhering to the Communist line. As far as could be determined, no newspaper carried this article until late November 1977, when it appeared in News World. Wallace denied he was paid by the Moon Organization or that he cooperated with it in his numerous attacks on the subcommittee, its chairman, and the investigation. He told a staff member that his article appeared in News World only after two Korean Government officials, whom he did not name, visited his office and noticed the unpublished article. The two Koreans took a copy of the article when they left, and shortly thereafter it appeared in News World, according to Wallace. On December 11, 1977, the day after subcommittee staff members arrived in Korea on a well-publicized investigative mission, the article was summarized on the front page of the Korea Herald, a Korean Government publication.
Thus even in 1977 and 1978, when both the Korean Government and the Moon Organization were disavowing ties with one another, there was reason to believe that relations between them were still being carried on, though less openly. As discussed earlier, the Tong Il officers who came to the United States in December 1977 to discuss exporting M-16's told Colt representatives that, although the Korean Government was aware of Tong Il's discussions with Colt, the Government would deny such knowledge if questioned. The relationship between the Moon Organization and the ROK government is a dynamic one, changing over time. The Organization's close relationship with Kim Jong Pil and the positions held by Steve Kim and Bud Han in the Korean Government provided continuous access to influential officials, access Moon saw as necessary to attain his goals. Favors were granted the Moon Organization by the Korean Government, and, in return, assistance was provided ROK officials for the furtherance of government policies or for the personal benefit of the individuals involved.
Related links below
Yasue Erikawa: An Often Unrecognized Asset
Japanese Sanctuary Church Says Yamagami Had No Sanctuary Connections
An Article On Yasue Erikawa’s “Comfort Women” Activism (No Mention of U.C. or Moon)
Yasue Erikawa, Moon, money, shame, guilt, fear and hell.
A Japanese Import Breaking through in Korea - Yasue Erikawa in a FFWPU (UC) publication in November 2009 about working in South Korea. Erikawa on Kook Jin, “"Kook-jin nim is very spiritual, and at the same time, very intelligent. Whom could I introduce to him? It was so difficult to think of a person who could interact with and work with Kook-jin nim..."
The IFVOC in Japan, and the UC’s Presence in Okinawa
IFVOC’s Founding (According to the UC)
On the 1962 Reorganization of the Unification Church as a Political Tool of Japan, South Korea, and USA
The CAUSA Kingdom
The Unification Church and KCIA: Some Notes on Bud Han, Steve Kim, and Bo Hi Pak
Activist urges Japan’s apology - on Yasue Erikawa’s activism around comfort women, demanding a formal apology to be made from Japan’s government. This article makes no mention of her membership in the Unification Church:
“It is essential for Japan to face history in an upright manner and make a formal apology to Koreans, especially regarding the sexual enslavement,” said Yasue Erikawa, 66, president of the Group that Promotes Friendship by Overcoming the History between Korea and Japan, in an interview with The Korea Times, “This will serve as a starting point in mending ever-deteriorating Korea-Japan ties.” Referring to past occasions in which former Japanese leaders offered apologies for wartime atrocities against Koreans including those made by former Japanese Prime Ministers Tomiichi Murayama in 1995 and Naoto Kan in 2010, the activist argued that these cannot be accepted as full and sincere. “(The past apologies) do not count because no Koreans regard them as sincere,” said Erikawa. “Together with a renewed formal apology, Japanese government should also launch an investigation into its drafting of Korean women for sexual slavery and open up the truth to the entire world.” The group president first came to Korea in 1970 when she married a Korean. Living in Korea since then, she said she found out about the truth behind the past deeds done by the military of her homeland.
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imoim36news · 1 year
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Cảnh đấm đá bạo lực học tập lối man rợ là sở hữu thiệt Trong bộ phim truyện truyền hình The Glory lên sóng ngày 30/12/2022, nguyên nhân hero chủ yếu Moon Dong Eun (tại Song Hye Kyo và Jung Ji So thủ vai) coi hiển thị thù là lẽ sinh sống bắt mối cung cấp kể từ vượt khứ bị bạn làm việc vào ngôi trường trung học tập bạo hành tàn nhẫn. Phái đẹp chủ yếu Moon Dong Eun là nàn nhân của đấm đá bạo lực học tập lối làm thời đại của cô ấy chìm sâu vào thù hận. Hình ảnh: Netflix Không chỉ bị tiến công đập, xịn cha ý thức đơn giản, group bạn làm việc bất hảo, bao gồm Park Yeon Jin (Lim Ji Yeon và Shin Ye Eun), Jeon Je Joon (Park Sung Hoon và Song Byung Keun), Lee Sa Ra (Kim Hieaora và Bae Kang Hee), Choi Hye Jung (Cha Joo Young và Song Ji Woo) và Son Myung Ho (Kim Gun Woo và Seo Woo Hyun), sử dụng máy thực hiện tóc năng lượng điện kẹp lên cánh tay trần của Moon Dong Eun trẻ em, phát sinh những vết phỏng kinh rợn ko khi nào lành được. Sau Khi lên sóng, phân cảnh này tạo tranh biện bên trên social. Không chỉ mệnh danh tài năng diễn xuất của tập thể nhóm diễn viên trẻ em, hầu hết cộng đồng mạng bị sốc trước cường độ ác nghiệt của cảnh tảo. Càng chấn động rộng Khi cảnh bắt nạt này ko cần tại biên kịch tự động nghĩ về ra nhưng dựa vào sự khiếu nại sở hữu thiệt diễn ra năm 2006. Theo AllKpop , vào thời kì đấy, phái nữ sinh J của ngôi trường phái nữ sinh trung học tập sinh sống TP.HCM Cheongju, tỉnh Chungcheong Bắc,... 63b7bfeeeba87【#ximmacao】
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ozu-teapot · 2 years
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Oki's Movie | Hong Sang-soo | 2010
Lee Sun-Kyun, Moon Sung-Keun
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Lost in the Mountains (Hong Sang-soo, 2009)
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olivierdemangeon · 3 years
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BURNING (2018) ★★☆☆☆
Lors d’une livraison, Jong-Soo, un jeune coursier, retrouve par hasard son ancienne voisine, Hae-Mi, qui le séduit immédiatement. De retour d’un voyage à l’étranger, celle-ci revient cependant avec Ben, un garçon fortuné et mystérieux. Alors que s’instaure entre eux un troublant triangle amoureux, Ben révèle à Jong-Soo son étrange secret. Peu de temps après, Hae-Mi disparaît… “Beoning” (버닝), ou…
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View On WordPress
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picturefrommovies · 5 years
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Burning
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k-star-holic · 1 year
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Are you watching the ice skating world? 'Cider The Punisher', sexual harassment and violence and non-profit accusations
Source: k-star-holic.blogspot.com
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4ever-always · 6 years
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Forgotten (기억의밤) - korean movie 2017
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shihlun · 8 months
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Park Kwang-su
- Black Republic
1990
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dramafail · 6 years
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whatisonthemoon · 11 months
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What the KCIA and the Moonies did to the Editor of the Korea Journal, Song Sun Keun
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▲ Pictured: Song Sun-Keun pictured in the December 10, 1976 issue of the San Francisco Examiner
Mr. SONG: I would like to begin with a KCIA attempt to disrupt the speech engagement of Mr. Kim Dae Jung in San Francisco in May 1973 that was foiled; a KCIA-Moon Sun Myung connection through the Korean-American Political Association as early as 1970; and an assassination plot against me.
On May 18, 1973, Mr. Kim Dae Jung, sponsored by a group of Korean-American political science scholars, was to speak at the International Student Center in San Francisco. I understand you are going to question me about this, so I won't go into detail.
Mr. FRASER: Were you going to skip part of your statement?
Mr. SONG: Do you want me to read it?
Mr. FRASER: You might go through your whole statement. It might save some questions.
Mr. Young Shik Bae, a KCIA agent who also acted as vice consul at the Korean consulate general in Los Angeles, showed up with an entourage of more than 10 hoodlums from Los Angeles. Joining Vice Consul Bae were Mr. Dong Jim Kim, consul of the Korean consulate general in San Francisco and a certain Mr. Min Hi Rhee, a well-known karate instructor in the San Francisco area, and several of his karate students. Their tactic to disrupt Mr. Kim's speech was at once all too obvious to the entire audience.
As Mr. Kim began his speech, these hoodlums started to interrupt and harass the speaker. There was a commotion, shouting, and making ugly gestures and all. And they brought with them several bottles of tomato ketchup, dozens of raw eggs, and a movie camera.
The timely arrival of the San Francisco police, which resulted in removing Mr. Min Hi Rhee, saved the meeting from pandemonium. I was an eyewitness to the scene and duly reported the incident in my Korean language biweekly called the Korea Journal. Here I would like to submit the article with photos and its English translation.
Mr. FRASER: Thank you. We will make that a part of your testimony.
Mr. SONG: What surprised me was the fact that Vice Consul Bae Young Shik led this outrage openly. Furthermore, although I didn't realize at the time but later came to learn, Mr. Yang Doo Won, alias Sang Ho Lee, Minister at the Korean Embassy in Washington, D.C., who was also KCIA station chief in the United States, came to San Francisco and stayed at the Hilton Hotel, where Mr. Kim Dae Jung was staying and was the prime mover who directed that fiasco behind the scenes.
Second, I have heard that in 1970, Mr. Sang Ik Choi, a representative of Moon Sung Myung's Unification Church in the San Francisco area, received $25,000 from the Unification Church and set out to organize a Korean-American political group. Thus, the Korean-American Political Association (KAPA) was chartered in the State of California as a nonprofit corporation, and Choi set himself up as its president. Mr. Doo Whan Kim, while consul at the Korean consulate general in San Francisco, became the de facto vice president of KAPA.
The express purpose of this organization was to exert its influence on American politics, local as well as national. To date, KAPA is known to have contributed $5,000 to Gov. Jerry Brown during his 1974 gubernatorial campaign and $1,000 to Mayor Mosconi of San Francisco during his mayoral campaign in 1976. 
However, I would like to point out to you that this nonprofit U.S. corporation had an official of a foreign government as a key officer, and in addition was receiving financial support from Moon's Unification Church as early as 1970. When Mr. Sang Ik Choi was promoted to the position of fundraising manager of the Unification Church of New York, Consul Doo Whan Kim succeeded him as KAPA's president after resigning his post at the Korean consulate general.
I gained my knowledge of KAPA while serving as a consultant to the San Francisco chapter of KAPA. I have supplied the subcommittee staff with copies of several KAPA documents, concerning the relationship between KAPA and the KCIA.
Third, in May of 1973, I began publishing a local Korean language biweekly, the Korea Journal, and also was its editor-reporter. As the paper started to criticize various overt activities of the KCIA in the United States and the Park Chung Hee regime, a businessman who is a former KCIA agent approached me and indicated that he would help the Korea Journal to expand if its coverage were confined to local matters—in his words, if it became a "pleasant community bulletin board." I declined the offer.
Then I received a substantial offer to purchase the Korea Journal. This offer came to me indirectly through close acquaintances of my family. I told them the paper was not for sale. At the time, I was having considerable financial difficulty. I was approached for the third time again through some close friends with an offer to engage in profitable trade with Korea. It was all too obvious to me that such offers were made to divert my attention and activities away from my critical stand on Korean politics. I refused.
On separate occasions, two old friends of my father, Mr. Il Kwon Chung, the Speaker of the Korean National Assembly, and Mr. Han Lim Lee, the Minister of Construction, sought out my father and tried to persuade him to change his views on the Park regime. My father is a Methodist minister, whose views on the Park regime could not be changed by these visitors.
After all these "friendly" attempts and offers were turned down, I began to receive telephone calls threatening my life. I reported these telephone calls to the local police and wrote about them in the Korea Journal. I would like to submit a 1974 San Francisco Examiner article for your reference.
The threatening calls backfired because I became more vocal than ever. Then Mr. Man Sung Limb, a KCIA agent at the Korean consulate general in San Francisco, came up with a plot to assassinate me. In order to save time, I would like to submit for your files copies of articles which appeared in the San Francisco Examiner, Los Angeles Times, Berkeley Barb, and the San Mateo Times that covered this plot. I am also submitting a tape recording and its transcript in translation of a personal interview with one of the witnesses who was present at the time Consul Limb discussed this plot.
Needless to say, such KCIA harassment and threats would be illegal acts in this country even if I were not a U.S. citizen, and these acts should be duly condemned.
Related articles below
Up against the Human Wall in Seoul - The Washington Post - February 1985
Delay of Chun’s Visit Proposed : Kim’s U.S. Backers Cite Melee at Seoul Airport - The LA Times - February 1985
United States Congressional investigation of UC
The Unification Church and KCIA: Some Notes on Bud Han, Steve Kim, and Bo Hi Pak
Robert Parry’s investigations into Sun Myung Moon
On Young Oon Kim’s Relationship to Butterwick
Young Oon Kim and Bo Hi Pak were both employed by the Korean Military Advisory Group (KMAG)
Who was “Papasan Choi” (Or Sang Ik Choi, or Bong-choon Choi)?
More details on Papasan (Sang Ik Choi)
Paul Perry, or Paulo-Juarez Pereira, a CIA-Connected Moonie
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